Linda M. Dempsey is the Vice President for International Economic Affairs at the
National Association of Manufacturers. An advocate for expanding trade through both the TPP and T-TIP negotiations, Ms. Dempsey believes those agreements should include provisions for investor-state dispute settlement.
Today's quote is from a note she sent us last week. In part, her note was a reaction to the TTALK Quote of a few weeks back, the one in which
Daniel Ikenson of the Cato Institute suggested dropping the ISDS provisions from both the TPP (Pacific) and T-TIP (Transatlantic) negotiations. Since then, Mr. Ikenson has put pen to paper and published an article expanding that argument.
"Purging both TPP and the TTIP of ISDS," he writes, "makes sense economically and politically and would assuage legitimate concerns about those negotiations, splinter the opposition, and pave the way for free trade."
Ms. Dempsey strongly disagrees, and her comments, printed below, explain why, and they provide some of the history in the ISDS debate.
From LINDA DEMPSEY:I remain as bewildered today as I was some 24 years ago as a Finance Committee staffer by the strong, but misconceived, reaction that simple enforcement provisions in the form of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) engenders.
The proposition is a simple one. The United States, under its own laws, gives foreign investors fair treatment. That other countries shouldn't be able to turn around and treat U.S. investors unfairly is a basic pro-American principle that Members of any political persuasion should all embrace. Not only does ISDS appear in over 2,000 treaties worldwide, but Nature Conservancy incorporates the same basic process in its debt-for-nature agreements with foreign governments.
Back then, it was a group of students who had biked from California to inform me of this secret agreement being negotiated in Paris. I informed them that they could see the actual draft on the OECD website of the then "Multilateral Agreement on Investment." Since then, critiques are raised by right and left, most recently Dan Ikenson's comments at your recent [January 29] event on TPA that you reported. Dan's arguments are based on the notion that the United States would be giving away some competitive advantage by minimizing risk through ISDS and provisions on investment access and investment protections.
Arbitration has been around centuries as a means of resolving disputes. In the last century, Germany, followed by many other countries including the United States, adopted arbitration provisions in investment treaties to provide for non-politicized resolution of disputes between investors and governments. It was seen as far preferable to bringing governments into the process or using local and differing judicial systems that may have inherent biases.
There are over 2,000 treaties and agreements with ISDS around the world and the United States is party to less than 60. Dan's suggestion that we stop protecting our companies at the border represents simply unilateral disarmament in the face of the global economy.
It also undervalues the fundamental equation of global investment and its benefit for the United States. U.S. investment overseas is vital to U.S. companies to reach foreign customers. Bureau of Economic Analysis data, as well as reports by Matthew Slaughter, Associate Dean at the Tuck School and a former Member of the Council of Economic Advisors, show year after year that such investment is hugely important to growing U.S. exports, research and development and capital expenditures, as well as wages here in the United States.
Investment rules and ISDS are approved by Congress (in the case of trade agreements) or ratified by the Senate (in the case of treaties), representing an exercise of U.S. sovereignty, not its abrogation. And for those concerned about these principles, remember what is most extraordinary is that these rules [are] fully based on principles in the U.S. constitution and U.S. laws - from the Takings, Due Process and Equal Protection clauses to the Administrative Procedure Act. What greater export for the United States than these core values?