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#1 http://gordonhahn.com May 8, 2015 Violence, Coercion, and Escalation in Ukraine's Maidan Revolution: Escalation Point 6 - The 'Snipers' of February By Gordon M. Hahn Gordon M. Hahn is an Analyst and Advisory Board Member of the Geostrategic Forecasting Corporation, Chicago, Illinois; Senior Researcher, Center for Terrorism and Intelligence Studies (CETIS), Akribis Group, San Jose, California Analyst/Consultant, Russia Other Points of View - Russia Media Watch; and Senior Researcher and Adjunct Professor, MonTREP, Monterey, California. Dr Hahn is author of three well-received books, Russia's Revolution From Above (Transaction, 2002), Russia's Islamic Threat (Yale University Press, 2007), which was named an outstanding title of 2007 by Choice magazine, and The 'Caucasus Emirate' Mujahedin: Global Jihadism in Russia's North Caucasus and Beyond (McFarland Publishers, 2014). He also has authored hundreds of articles in scholarly journals and other publications on Russian, Eurasian and international politics and wrote, edited and published the Islam, Islamism, and Politics in Eurasia Report at CSIS from 2010-2013. Dr. Hahn has been a Senior Associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (2011-2013) and a Visiting Scholar at both the Hoover Institution and the Kennan Institute.
This is the sixth part in my series "Violence, Coercion, and Escalation in Ukraine's Maidan Revolution and covers the controversial and misunderstood 'snipers' massacre of 18-20 February 2014. Parts 1-5 can be accessed at: http://gordonhahn.com/2015/04/08/violence-coercion-and-escalation-in-the-ukraine-crisis-parts-1-5-november-2013-january-2014/.
Introduction
On February 18-20 firearms began to be used in sporadic fashion on both sides. On February 20th there was a major escalation. In the center of a European capitol over one hundred police and demonstrators were shot to death and hundreds more were wounded. Despite the heavy casualties suffered by police, Western governments, the opposition-turned government on the next day, and Western and Maidan media were unanimous in reporting that the massacre was ordered by President Yanukovich and that the shooting was initiated and carried out exclusively or nearly so by snipers from the state's police and security organs using professional sniper rifles. To this day, most in Kiev believe it was more likely Russian special forces that organized and perhaps even carried out the slaughter. The Maidan government's chief of the Security Service of Ukraine, Kiev's equivalent of the KGB or FSB, declared in March that Russian President Vladimir Putin's advisor, Vladislav Surkov, organized and commanded the snipers.
In reality, almost all those who killed and wounded hundreds on February 20th in Kiev were not trained 'snipers' at all. For the most part, they shot hunting rifles, Makarov pistols, and occasionally modified Kalashnikovs. Some videos show police firing rifles with scopes. However, they are not positioned on building roofs in order to carry out a clandestine sniping operation, but rather they are openly deployed on the streets during a retreat before a violent and advancing crowd, some of whom were deploying firearms as well. Mounting evidence shows that some were shooting of both police and civilians, and those ding so were not police or Berkut sent out by President Yanukovich, as the Ukrainian opposition and Western governments and media assume. Rather, they were members of primarily neo-fascist groups taking part in what had already become very violent demonstrations: Right Sector (RS), the Social-National Assembly (SNA), and Svoboda. The escalation from Molotov cocktails, chains, and massive bricks was not a distant leap.
Indeed, in less than two weeks after the massacre and Yanukovich's ensuing removal from power there emerged an audiotape - likely a Russian or Ukrainian government intercept - of a telephone conversation between Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet and the EU's Catherine Ashton in which the former states that his feeling and that in Kiev generally was growing that someone from the new Maidan regime was behind the shooting. Although when pressed by Paet that there needed to be an investigation Ashton agreed, neither party made any public effort to push the issue again, no less demand an investigation.[1] Nor did any other foreign government or international governmental organization do so, with the exception of Russia, which repeatedly demanded an investigation. The three days of killing peaked on the 20th and coincided with the signing of the ill-fated agreement signed by Yanukovich and three opposition party leaders and brokered by Russia and the foreign ministers of Germany, France and Poland.
February 18th
February 18th, black Tuesday, saw 17 deaths in Kiev. Most were killed in fighting around the Supreme Rada and Trade Union buildings. The Maidan's 'Self Defense' (MSD) 'heavenly hundreds' and the neo-fascist Right Sector (RS) attempted to storm the building of the parliament, the Supreme Rada, and set the Party of Regions headquarters in Kiev on fire blocking the exits, killing one worker and seven Berkut and MVD police. Another fire set by RS fighters intended to block the advance of spetsnaz killed at least two Maidan protestors in the Trade Union House, which was used by the Maidan Self-Defense (which organized and supervised the so-called 'hundreds' or sotniki' units of Maidan self-defense forces) and RS as headquarters and from where much gunfire would target police in the coming days.[2] In response, the Yanukovich government authorized plans 'Boomernag' and 'Khvylia' for the the seizure of the Maidan and its headquarters. An Alfa officer, who led one of the SBU groups that stormed the Trade Union Building, stated that their main task was to seize the building's 5th floor. The RS occupied the entire floor, which served as both Maidan's headquarters and the base of RS and contained a cache of weapons. Katchanovski's study cites two radio intercepts of Internal Troops units and Alfa commanders and snipers which confirm that the MSD and RS blocked their attempts to seize the Maidan headquarters and Trade Union building on February 18 by setting the building on fire and using live ammunition. Also, a radio intercept of Alfa commanders contains their report about deploying SBU snipers to counter two Maidan "snipers" or spotters located on a Maidan-controlled building.[3]
The majority of that February 18's deaths were reported to be the result of gunfire wounds,[4] and several policemen were wounded by gunfire on that day, at least one seriously, according to a police account.[5] Commander of Ukrainian MVD's National Guard 'anti-terrosist' unit Omega, Anatolly Strelchenko, claims that groups of Maidan protesters used live ammunition as early as February 18th during the so-called "peaceful march" shot several of his policeman in two incidents near 22/7 Institute Street with hunting rifles and Makarov pistols.[6] February 19th was a lull, but one police report that they spotted demonstrators wearing RSsymbols in the Music Conservatory that day.[7]
February 20th
On February 20th at least 49 Maidan demonstrators and 3 policemen would be killed by gunfire and tens of policemen wounded. But contrary to Western and Kiev's claims, the gunfire was initiated by Maidan supporters in the early morning hours just after sunrise, and police initially showed restraint and sought to convince Maidan leaders to find and stop the shooters so they would not have to respond. Moreover, many of the casualties among the protesters appear to have been shot from areas controlled by the MDS, in particular neo-fascist RS, Social-National Assembly, and Svoboda elements. Before any civilians were hit by gunfire, three policeman were killed and another 13 wounded by 9:00am. Only a few police appear to have fired at the perpetrators on the 20th and did so in self-defence and retreat after the massacre had reached its peak. The February 20th shooting of civilians and police centered around on Institutskaya (Institute) Street in the Kiev city center and began with the shooting of Internal Affairs Ministry Internal Troops (VV) and 'Berkut' riot police in the early morning hours just after sunrise.[8]
A key detailed and comprehensive analysis of publicly available evidence conducted by Ottawa University professor and Ukrainian scholar Ivan Katchanovski suggests that almost all of the killings of both police and demonstrators were carried out by elements of the "Euromaidan" opposition. After the first version of Professor Katchanovski's research was published, his house in Vinnitsa, Ukraine was seized by the RS- and NSA-led Azov Battalion's fighters from the Vinnitsa on behalf of the Maidan regime.
The neo-fascist RS party and the Svoboda (Freedom) Party engaged in this violence as a prelude to overthrowing Yanukovich and seizing power after peaceful protests and limited violence failed to achieve these goals. Different sources contain evidence of pro-Maidan shooters or spotters in at least 12 buildings occupied by the Euromaidan opposition or located within the general territory held by them during the massacre on February 20. This includes the Hotel Ukraina, Zhovtnevyi Palace, Kinopalats, Bank "Arkada," other buildings on both sides of Instytutska Street, and several buildings on the Maidan (Independence Square) itself, such as the Music Conservatory, the Trade Union headquarters, and the Main Post Office. The evidence also indicates that in addition to more than 60 Euromaidan protesters, 17 members of special police units were killed and 196 wounded from the Maidan-controlled buildings by similar types of ammunition and weapons on February 18-20, 2014.[9] Independent investigations by numerous organizations and a plethora of video and audio evidence support Katchanovski's findings: Germany's Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, a BBC documentary film, a documentary film by Beck-Hoffman, among several others. The following account is based on their findings and others. These include interviews with several Maidan shooters, who testify about their involvement in the killing of police.[10]
On February 20th the police had been informed that neo-fascist elements among the demonstrators had acquired firing arms. Nevertheless, for the first hour or so Internal Affairs Minstry Troops (VV) and Berkut riot police, using standard crowd control techniques including three new riot-control vehicles with water cannons just acquired from Russia, were able to force the crowd back to the Maidan and off of Institute Street. From Institutskaya the neo-fascists in the crowd had hoped to make it to Bankovaya (Bank) Street and storm the main government buildings of the president, government and Supreme Rada as they would succeed in doing the next day. But in the early morning of the 20th the police had gained their first foothold on Maidan in weeks and prepared to clear the square but then retreated suddenly coming under significant fire from armed protesters. All sources report that around 6:00am and as early as 5:30am gunfire coming from the demonstrators' side, specifically the Conservatory Building and the Ukraine Hotel's sixth floor, began to hit both demonstrators and police. The Ukraina Hotel, the Conservatory, and the Trade Union House were all under the Maidan's control. Right Sector fighters were located in all three buildings and controlled specifically the sixth floor of the Trade Union House.[11] One of the shooters claimed he was firing at police for as long as 20 minutes and saw 10 other Maidan shooters doing the same.[12] The pro-Maidan Fatherland party's Rada deputy and former journalist Andriy Shevchenko told the BBC and other investigators that a police chief in charge of officers on Institutskaya phoned him in desperation saying his men were under fire from the Conservatory, casualties were mounting, with 11 and within the hour as many as 21 wounded and three already dead, and would soon need to respond.[13] On the same day, pro-Maidan Rada deputy Inna Bogoslovskaya announced from the Rada's rostrum that there is a video of someone dressed in a Berkut uniform - but not of the Berkut - shooting from a window in the Ukraina Hotel at both civilians and police in the early morning.[14]
Other reports also show that the first casualties occurred in the early morning and were policeman. BBC investigators found a Ukrainian photographer who photographed armed men in the Kiev Conservatory during the shooting. They also interviewed an ultra-nationalist, called Sergei, who claims he was part of an armed Maidan unit deployed in the Conservatory and was equipped with a high-velocity hunting rifle. The Conservatory directly overlooks that part of the Maidan where the water cannon-mounted vehicles had taken up positions. Sergei states that his unit fired on police in the early morning of February 20 at approximately 7:00am but that they did not shoot to kill, merely firing at their feet.[15] According to the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, the Conservatory riflemen were under the command of 27-year-old Volodymyr Parasyuk, who was the leader of one of the Maidan self-defence groups or 'Heavenly Hundred' units,[16] all under the command of the Maidan government's first Chairman of the Defense and Security Council, Andriy Parubiy. However, Parasyuk's group did not coordinate its joining the Maidan self-defence corps with Parybiy but rather with the Right Sector. Parasyuk, a native of nationalistic Lviv in western Ukraine, stated he received paramilitary training with a range of nationalist groups there and was a member of the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, one of the many Ukrainian organizations modeled on the World War II era Nazi-allied OUN, much as Right Sector and Svoboda are.[17]
Parasyuk admitted Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung that many in his 'Heavenly Hundred' group of some 50 men were armed with hunting rifles and fired on the police but only in response to initial police fire.[18] Another source staying in the Ukraina Hotel overlooking the Maidan and Institutskaya told Business News Europe IntelliNews that a Maidan rifleman demanded entry to the hotel's guest rooms and then fired from the window at about that time.[19] Katchanovski and Beck-Hoffman cite and include, respectively, video showing Right Sector and/or Svoboda riflemen firing from the Ukrainia Hotel at the same time.[20] As the police retreated from Maidan and back up Institutskaya in mid-morning, Parasyuk notes, his men fired on police and police snipers fired to provide cover for their retreating comrades.[21]
In an interview given a year after the events, commander of Ukrainian MVD's National Guard 'anti-terrosist' unit Omega Anatolly Strelchenko confirmed that police and security possessed prior information and witnessed on February 20th both Maidan protesters and the police being killed and wounded by shots emanating from the Hotel Ukraina. Additionally, he confirmed that shooters and spotters were positioned in other nearby buildings under the Maidan's control, including but not limited to the Music Conservatory, Zhovtnevyi Palace, Kinopalats, and Muzeiny Lane. At these and other places Strelchenko and Omega came under fire from Maidan protesters with both hunting rifles and Kalashnikovs.[22] Strelchenko also testifies that his men were fired on twice on February 21st - just after midnight and just before noon.[23] Hours later, they and all other police, MVD, and special forces pulled out of the city center in accordance with the February 20th agreement, leaving the government building unprotected to be stormed by the very same Right Sector and other Maidan activists who had been involved in the shootings.
Who Were the Shooters?
Who initiated fire on the morning of the 20th also is clear. Numerous testimony, reports and analyses - Parasyuk, the BBC, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Katchanovski, Beck-Hoffman, and several others - all show that Maidan shooters opened fire on police as early as 5:30am, wounded at least 14 Berkut police and killed at least 3 before 9:00am and before police returned fire. They were fired on mainly from three buildings: the Conservatory, Ukraina Hotel, and Trade Union Hall.[24] Small groups of RS, SNA, and Svoboda members and fellow travelers from the MSD's heavenly hundreds were the perpetrators. As noted above, the buildings from which the gunfire emanated - the Trade Union House, the Music Conservatory, and the Ukraina Hotel - were under the control of Right Sector and Svoboda groups, and Parasyuk mentions in his interview that he trained with ultra-nationalist groups in western Ukraine. One Maidan shooter was apparently a member of either the neo-fascist Right Sector or one of its founding neo-fascist parties, the Social-National Assembly (SNA), and later served in the notorious Azov Battalion fighting near Mariupol and led by the SNA's chairman, Andrey Biletskiy. This shooter said he was recruited in January for this operation and that on February 19th at around 6:00pm he and some 20 others who came forward after someone from the Maidan protest's podium requested people with shooting skills. They were offered a choice of weapons, including shotguns and Kalashnikov-based Saiga rifles and told to take up convenient positions. The same shooter claims he saw about 10 other protesters shooting at police from the Music Conservatory building in the morning of February 20. Other Maidan protesters who witnessed these events said that organized groups from western Ukraine's Lviv and Ivano-Frankivsk regions, some with rifles, came to the Maidan and then moved to the conservatory hours after midnight on February 20.[25]
Berkut's Shevchenko informed Euromaidan's chief of self-defense, Parubii, at 8:18am about the first Berkut report of Maidan shooters firing the police. Euromaidan tweeted at 8:21am that a "sniper" was caught at the Music Conservatory, which is consistent with both BBC and Vesti interviews of the shooter, who said that he was "captured" by the Parubii's personal security unit and driven out of Kiev.[26] This 'capture' appears to have been part of a coverup, since later, as Katchanovski reports, Parubii denied his forces ever captured a sniper.[27] FINISH FOOTNOTE At 8:21am Shevchenko reported to Parubii that casualties within his unit had grown to 21 wounded and three killed within a half an hour.[28]
The first casualty among the Maidan protesters came at 9:00am, which was several minutes before the Berkut arrived on the scene and during the Maidan protesters were firing at water cannons deployed to disperse the crown from Institutka.[29] Tens of other casualties among the protesters came from shots fired from buildings on Maidan controlled territory or under the direct control of MSD or 'heavenly hundred' units consisting of shooters from Right Sector, Svoboda, SNA, and the latter's military unit, the Patriots of Ukraine throughout the day. Buildings under Maidan's comtrol included: the Hotel Ukraina, the Zhovtnevyi Palace, the Kinopalats, Muzeinyi Lane, the Arkada Building, and Horodetskoho Street. The data supporting this include eyewitness accounts, videotapes, exit wound analyses, and markings on trees and building in the areas where civilians were shot. Eyewitnesses report seeing snipers shooting from buildings such as the Ukraina Hotel at both police/security forces and protesters.[30] One video shows journalists and Maidan supporters, including rank-and-file protesters as well as leaders on the stage, stating they see sniper "coordinator" or spotter on top of the Trade Union House during the massacre.[31]
A comparable number of casualties came from police, Berkut, and Omega units' fire from the streets, but these came after the initial early morning massacre of police and Berkut and during the period when snipers were shooting at both sides. No evidence of police, Berkut or Omega firing from buildings has been produced. Thus, the day of mass casualties from gunfire was initiated in the early morning by the neo-fascist elements of the Maidan, and the same elements fired on both police and protesters later in the morning and the early afternoon. Police fired on Maidan shooters and some unarmed protesters, but in the latter case the shooting seemed to target the ground in front of demonstrators in order to drive them back as they advanced on retreating police up Institutka.[32] Despite RS, SNA and Svoboda fighters being identified in various sources as initiating and ultimately perpetrating much of the sniper massacre, at the time a group identifiying itself as the "Ukrainian Insurgent Army" or UPA - apparently named after the World War Two Nazi-allied Ukrainian organization responsible for mass murders of Jews and Poles - claimed responsibility for the February 20th massacre.[33]
It also was the neo-fascist forces - Right Sector, SNA, and Svoboda - that led the overthrow of Yanukovich on the next day, contravening the EU-Russia sponsored peace agreement and transition pact signed on February 20th by the president and the leader of the three leading opposition parties: Vitaliy Klichko of the Udar Party, Arseniy Yatsenyuk of Fatherland, and the ultra-nationalist Oleh Tyahnibok. At a memorial meeting the next day for those killed the previous three days, as Klichko called on the protesters that fateful day to support the peace agreement from Maidan's stage, the still unknown, later self-declared Maidan shooter, Parasyuk grabbed the microphone, denounced the agreement and the official opposition, and called on Yanukovich to resign by 10:00am the next day or be overthrown. The crowd roared with approval, and the revolutionary seizure of power was all but a fait accompli carried ou the next day.
Parasyuk also said his men were behind the turning point events on Instituka - a not so vailed reference to the gunfire his men unleashed on police. Perhaps not coincidentally, the agreement he rejected also included a clause requiring an investigation into the snipers massacre. Right Sector's leader, Dmitro Yarosh backed up Parasyuk describing from the Maidan stage the weapons RS possessed and was putting at the disposal of the revolution.[34] Their forces and those of Svoboda, rather than pulling out of the city as required in the agreement, stormed the presidential administration, Supreme Rada, and other buildings on the next day as threatened, forcing Yanukovich to flee for his life and the parliament (without a quorum) to adopt hastily and unconstitutionally an 'impeachment' and other documents, consummating the Maidan revolution. Pro-Yanukovich deputies were beaten and threatened so they either voted 'correctly' or did not attend the Rada session of impeachment; a process that did not exist in Ukraine's constitution.
Maidan Coverup?
There has been a concerted effort by pro-Maidan officials to coverup the leading role of pro-Maidan neo-fascist elements in the February sniper massacre. According to Katchanovski, numerous video and audio tapes used to charge the Berkut and Omega with all the casualties were edited to delete key pieces of information included in other sources cited by Katchanovski and other sources that showed the gunfire was coming from territory and buildings controlled by Maidan or its neo-fascist elements. Only the footage showing the Berkut and Omega firing on the streets is advertised by the Maidan regime, the West, and supportive media.[35] A year and three months after the sniper massacres, the Maidan regime has yet to offer a believable alternative account that would place the blame on the Yanukovich regime and the Berkut. It is ostensibly investigating the shootings of protesters and police but in two separate investigations. No charges have been brought against anyone for shooting police, Berkut or Omega personnel. When in autumn 2014 then Prosecutor General Oleh Makhnitskii claimed that many of the protesters were shot with hunting rifles, as Katchanovski's research suggests, he was soon fired from his post.
At the same time, cases were brought against three arrested Berkut police for shooting protesters, but the charges and any supporting evidence have not been laid out in any detail, and what has been publicized has been cast in grave doubt by the facts.[36] One of the Berkut policeman charged was missing a hand and could not have shot any weapn as prosecutors claim. International human rights organizations have accused the Maidan authorities of delaying, obstructing and covering up the events of February 20th in the case. For example, the Council of Europe's International Advisory Group found that the Maidan government's investigation has been hindered by numerous "failures," "obstructiveness" (in particular on the part of the Internal Affairs Ministry), a lack of will, an insufficient number of investigators, and a lack of investigatory independence and transparency. The CE panel also cited efforts by prosecutors and the MVD to help Berkut officers avoid prosecution or at least interrogation.[37] Citing "political motives" on Kiev's part, Interpol refused to accept Kiev's request for warrants on 23 Berkut officers, whom Kiev alleges killed 39 protesters in the Maidan shootings.[38]
In February 2015, SBU chief Nalyvaichenko claimed that the SBU had evidence which it has never produced showing that Russian President Putin's advisor Vladislav Surkov organized and commanded the snipers massacre from an SBU base. By April a Rada deputy from President Petro Poroshenko's party (the Petro Poroshenko Bloc or PPB) revealed that Surkov arrived at 8:00pm on the evening of the 20th, when the shooting was over. At about the same time, Nalyvaichenko suddenly toned down his story. Testifying at a hearing of the Anti-Corruption Committee in mid-April, he was much more circumscribed in his claims about Surkov. He stated that Surkov was only in Kiev on February 20-21 and was reportedly seen in the company of then SBU chief Oleksandr Yakimenko and visited the presidential administration. Nalyvaichenko made no mention of Surkov coordinating the sniper attacks at the hearings.[39]
Only on 29 April 2015, fourteen months after the event, did prosecutors put out a public call for citizens to turn in any bullet sheels they might have taken from Maidan during or after the sniper massacre.[40] May the Maidan-majority Rada's Anti-Corruption Committee, largely controlled by Poroshenko's PPB assessed the investigation into the massacre of protesters as unsatisfactory, finding "sabotage and negligence," and warned that if within two months progress is not made then it would seek the removal of the leaders of the General Prosecutors Office, MVD, and SBU.[41] Thus, there may be serious divisions over the investigation between the more moderate Poroshenko and his PPB, on the one hand, and the ultra-nationalists of Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk's National Front, the Yulia Timoshenko's Fatherland Party, RS, and SNA, among others, on the other hand. It is likely that only a conflict between the two wings of the Maidan regime and won decisively by Poroshenko will lead to an objective investigation and prosecution of both the neo-fascist and Yanukovich regime perpetrators of the crimes committed by the 'snipers' of Maidan's February revolution.
Thus, the figures and videos demonstrate anything but a peaceful Maidan protest. Total police casualties from gunfire for February 18-20 were at least 17 killed and 196 wounded, according to one source.[42] Another set of figures holds that 578 police were killed, wounded, and injured; 80 of these were victims of gunshot wounds during these three days. For the entire history of the Maidan protests, the Ukraine MVD's official figures are 20 police killed and approximately 600 wounded in Kiev alone.[43] It should be added that during the neo-fascists' sniper massacres of February 18-20, pro-Maidan forces were escalating the violence in the provinces far away from Kiev. On February 20th in Talne, Cherkask and the town of Korsun-Shenkovskiy, located on the road from Crimea to Kiev, a bus load of alleged 'titushki' (pro-Yanukovich provocateuers and thugs) were beaten. In one case, some bus riders reportedly were shot by a mob including RS activists.[44]
Summing up the Escalatoray Pattern During the Revolution's Destructive Phase
Summing up the destructive phase (the weakening and overthrowing the Yanukovich regime) of the Maidan revolution from October 2013 through 21 February 2014, it turns out that of the six turning points of escalatory violence and coercion, five were initiated by the Maidan protesters. Even if one separates the February 18-20 sniper massacres from the violent seiazure of power the next day, the pattern holds with six of seven moments of escalatory violence and coercion initiated by the Maidan protesters. Only the 30 November 2013 Berkut night time assault on the Maidan demonstrators is the only exception from the pattern of escalating revolutionary violence led by the Maidan's relatively small but highly motivated and well-organized neo-fascist elements.
As in all regime transformations, the modalities of the transformation in Ukraine's Maidan revolution - the key actors, their ideologies, and preferred tactics - would tell on the course of the constructive phase of the new Maidan regime. Rarely do violent revolutions from below lead to democracy. This is even truer when the violent revolution includes a strong ethnonational component.
FOOTNOTES
[1] "Breaking: Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet and Catherine Ashton discuss Ukraine over the phone," You Tube, 5 March 2014, www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEgJ0oo3OA8.
[2] Margarita Chimiris, "Kto i kak skryvaet pravdu o rasstrelakh na Maidane," Vesti Ukraine, 20 November 2014, http://vesti-ukr.com/strana/78265-kto-i-kak-skryvaet-pravdu-o-rasstrelakh-na-majdane, cited in Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 15.
[3] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 55.
[4] Margarita Chimiris, "Kto i kak skryvaet pravdu o rasstrelakh na Maidane".
[5] Vyacheslav Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali," Apostrophe.com, 20 February 2015, http://apostrophe.com.ua/article/society/2015-02-20/obschee-mnenie-boytsov-byilo-takim-chto-nas-prosto-predali/1284.
[6] Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali".
[7] "Maidan Massacre," Documentary Film by Beck-Hofmann.
[8] Katchanovski, ""; "Maidan Massacre", Documentary by Beck-Hoffman;.
[9] Katchanovski's initial and revised reports are based on evidence that includes publicly available but largely unreported and misrepresented videos and photos of suspected shooters, statements by the Maidan announcers and leaders, radio intercepts of shooters, "snipers" and commanders of the SBU's special Alfa unit, analysis of ballistic trajectories, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special unit commanders, public statements by the government officials, similar ammunition and weapons used against the police and the protesters, and similar types of wounds among both protesters and the police. See Ivan Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," Academia.edu, Paper presented at the Chair of Ukrainian Studies Seminar at the University of Ottawa, Ottawa, October 1, 2014, www.academia.edu/8776021/The_Snipers_Massacre_on_the_Maidan_in_Ukraine and Ivan Katchanovski, "The 'Snipers' Massacre' on the Maidan in Ukraine (Revised and Updated Version)," Academia.edu, 20 February 2015, www.academia.edu/8776021/The_Snipers_Massacre_on_the_Maidan_in_Ukraine or Johnson's Russia List, #33, 21 February 2015, Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies at George Washington University's Elliott School of International Affairs, http://archive.constantcontact.com/fs053/11 02820649387/archive/1102911694293.html.
[10] Konrad Schuller, "Wie kam es zum Blutbad auf dem Majdan?," 8 February 2015, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/europa/ukraine-die-hundertschaften-und-die-dritte-kraft-13414018.html; Gabriel Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre," BBC News Magazine, 12 February 2015, www.bbc.com/news/magazine-31359021; "Maidan Massacre," Documentary Film by John Beck-Hofmann, You Tube, 14 February 2015, www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ary_l4vn5ZA; and Vyacheslav Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali," Apostrophe.com, 20 February 2015, http://apostrophe.com.ua/article/society/2015-02-20/obschee-mnenie-boytsov-byilo-takim-chto-nas-prosto-predali/1284. For a brief summary of the evidence in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and BBC investigations, see Graham Stack, "KYIV BLOG: What triggered the Maidan massacre?," Business News Europe, 13 February 2015, http://bne.eu/content/story/kyiv-blog-what-triggered-maidan-massacre.
[11] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," pp. 14-15; Schuller, "Wie kam es zum Blutbad auf dem Majdan?"; Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre"; "Maidan Massacre," Documentary Film by John Beck-Hofmann; Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali"; and Sonya Koshkina, "Vozrozhdenie Rady," Lb.ua, 22 February 2014, http://lb.ua/news/2014/02/22/256600_vozrozhdenie_radi.html.
[12] Chimiris, "Kto i kak skryvaet pravdu o rasstrelakh na Maidane," cited in Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 15.
[13] Chimiris, "Kto i kak skryvaet pravdu o rasstrelakh na Maidane"; Koshkina, "Vozrozhdenie Rady"; Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 15; Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre"; "Maidan Massacre" Documentary Film by John Beck-Hofmann; and Koshkina, "Vozrozhdenie Rady".
[14] "Bogoslovskaya: est' video, gde muzhchina v forme 'Berkut' strelyaet po Maidanu i silovikam," Lb.ua, 21 February 2014, http://lb.ua/news/2014/02/21/256446_bogoslovskaya_video_gde.html.
[15] Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre".
[16] Schuller, "Wie kam es zum Blutbad auf dem Majdan?".
[17] Oksana Kovalenko, "Sotnik, yakii perelomiv khid istorii: Treba bulo dotiskati," Ukrainskaya Pravda, 24 February 2014, http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2014/02/24/7016048/.
[18] Schuller, "Wie kam es zum Blutbad auf dem Majdan?".
[19] Stack, "KYIV BLOG: What triggered the Maidan massacre?"
[20] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. XX and "Maidan Massacre," Documentary Film by John Beck-Hofmann.
[21] Schuller, "Wie kam es zum Blutbad auf dem Majdan?".
[22] Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali".
[23] Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali".
[24] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine"; "Maidan Massacre," Documentary Film by John Beck-Hofmann; and Khrypun, "Obshee mnenie boitsov bylo takim, chto nas prosto predali". It should be emphasized that in coming to conclusions in his study Katchanovski crosschecks data from numerous sources and reports including those from the BBC and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.
[25] "Dvadtsyat' svidchen' pro perelamnii den' protistoyan' na Maidani (English subtitles)," UkrLife, 27 May 2014, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vs_4skLIqns.
[26] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine"; Chimiris, "Kto i kak skryvaet pravdu o rasstrelakh na Maidane"; and Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre".
[27] You Tube, , http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlhoUCQVODQ and https://mega.co.nz/#!h9pWBI5A!24DmrbJQhFAQB7DVZG_Rhh40BCcUvtgm-5Z_9TMntCo.
[28] "Zvit TCK shodo podii 18-20 lyutogo v Kievi," Offitsialnyi sait Gennaddiy Moskal', 7 May 2014, http://www.moskal.in.ua/?categoty=news&news_id=1099.
[29] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 21.
[30] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 32, Map 1, and pp. 33-52.
[31] "Maidan - February 20, 2014 (3)," You Tube, 20 February 2014, www.youtube.com/watch?v=PXwLuDlhf1E, last accessed 7 May 2015.
[32] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 32, Map 1, and pp. 33-52. See also the numerous sources cited by Katchanovski, in particular the BBC documentary - Gatehouse, "The untold story of the Maidan massacre" - and the UkrLife documentary - "Dvadtsyat' svidchen' pro perelamnii den' protistoyan' na Maidani (English subtitles)".
[33] A group calling itself UPA also claimed responsibility for the murder of five Opposition Bloc and former Party of regions deputies and a journalist in 2015. Danil Yevtukhov, "Ubiitsy Buziny iz 'UPA' vpervyie zasvetilis' vo vremya Yevromaidana," Podrobnosti, 17 April 2015, http://podrobnosti.ua/2029175-vpervye-upa-zasvetilas-v-ubijstve-militsionera-vo-vremja-evromajdana.html. On the claim for the 2015 murders, see "'Oppozitsionyi Blok' zayavil ob ugrozakh ot 'Ukrainskoi povstancheskoi armii," Korrespondent, 17 April 2015, http://korrespondent.net/ukraine/3504818-oppozytsyonnyi-blok-zaiavyl-ob-uhrozakh-ot-ukraynskoi-povstancheskoi-armyy?hc_location=ufi.
[34] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," p. 21.
[35] Katchanovski, "The Snipers Massacre on the Maidan in Ukraine," pp. 29, 47-48.
[36] Steve Stecklow and Oleksandr Akymenko, "Special Report: Flaws found in Ukraine's probe of Maidan massacre," Reuters, 10 October 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/10/10/us-ukraine-killings-probe-special-report-idUSKCN0HZ0UH20141010.
[37] "Report of the International Advisory Panel on its review of the Maidan Investigations," Council of Europe International Advisory Council, 31 March 2015, https://rm.coe.int/CoERMPublicCommonSearchServices/DisplayDCTMContent?documentId=09000016802f038b and Allison Quinn "International report finds numerous failures in Maidan murders investigation," Kyiv Post, 31 March 2015, http://www.kyivpost.com/content/kyiv-post-plus/international-report-findsnumerous-failure-in-investigation-into-maidan-shootings-384957.html.
[38] "Interpol vidmovivsya rozshukuvati bepkutivtsiv - GPU," Ukrinform, 15 April 2015, http://www.ukrinform.ua/ukr/news/interpol_vidmovivsya_rozshukuvati_berkutivtsiv___gpu_2043451.
[39] Serhiy Leschenko, "Nalyvaichenko proti Surkova - stsenariy dlya Medvedchuka," Ukrainskaya pravda, 16 April 2015, http://blogs.pravda.com.ua/authors/leschenko/552ee534b5a10/.
[40] "GPU sobiraet u naseleniya gilzy i shlemy s Maidana," Vesti Ukraine, 29 April 2015, http://video.vesti-ukr.com/strana/3837-gpu-sobiraet-u-naselenija-gilzy-i-shlemy-s-majdana.
[41] Ivakhchenko and Sharii, "V Protsesse raskritiya".
[42] "Zvit TCK shodo podii 18-20 lyutogo v Kievi," Offitsialnyi sait Gennaddiy Moskal', 7 May 2014, http://www.moskal.in.ua/?categoty=news&news_id=1099.
[43] Vladimir Ivakhchenko and Andrei Sharii, "V Protsesse raskritiya," Radio Svoboda, 8 May 2015, www.svoboda.org/content/article/26963387.html.
[44] For Korsun-Shenkovskiy, see www.youtube.com/watch?v=jcCRP8Fchxc. For Talne, Cherkasy, see www.youtube.com/watch?v=KIAYDSZPD-Q; www.youtube.com/watch?v=aFXfG66TckE; and http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkd4G0lJYOU. For the RS activist, see the PS patch on one of the members of the mob seizing the bus near the end of the video at You Tube, www.youtube.com/watch?v=nJ8T-5CPUmg.
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#2 BBC February 12, 2015 The untold story of the Maidan massacre Gabriel Gatehouse By Gabriel Gatehouse BBC News [Graphics here http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-31359021] A day of bloodshed on Kiev's main square, nearly a year ago, marked the end of a winter of protest against the government of president Viktor Yanukovych, who soon afterwards fled the country. More than 50 protesters and three policemen died. But how did the shooting begin? Protest organisers have always denied any involvement - but one man told the BBC a different story. It's early in the morning, 20 February, 2014. Kiev's Maidan square is divided - on one side the riot police, the protesters on the other. This has been going on for more than two months now. But events are about to come to a head. By the end of the day, more than 50 people will be dead, many of them gunned down in the street by security forces. The violence will lead to the downfall of Ukraine's pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych. Moscow will call 20 February an armed coup, and use it to justify the annexation of Crimea and support for separatists in Eastern Ukraine. The protest leaders, some of whom now hold positions of power in the new Ukraine, insist full responsibility for the shootings lies with the security forces, acting on behalf of the previous government. But one year on, some witnesses are beginning to paint a different picture. "I didn't shoot to kill" "I was shooting downwards at their feet," says a man we will call Sergei, who tells me he took up position in the Kiev Conservatory, a music academy on the south-west corner of the square. "Of course, I could have hit them in the arm or anywhere. But I didn't shoot to kill." Sergei says he had been a regular protester on the Maidan for more than a month, and that his shots at police on the square and on the roof of an underground shopping mall, caused them to retreat. There had been shooting two days earlier, on 18 February. The 19th, a Wednesday, had been quieter, but in the evening, Sergei says, he was put in contact with a man who offered him two guns: one a 12-gauge shotgun, the other a hunting rifle, a Saiga that fired high-velocity rounds. He chose the latter, he says, and stashed it in the Post Office building, a few yards from the Conservatory. Both buildings were under the control of the protesters. Under attack, the police retreated from their position near the front line in the square, falling back along the street on the north side of Hotel Ukraine. Protesters then advanced towards the police, where they were shot by retreating security forces and snipers from surrounding buildings. More than 50 people were killed, the heaviest death toll of the clashes between protesters and security forces in the Maidan. When the shooting started early on the morning of the 20th, Sergei says, he was escorted to the Conservatory, and spent some 20 minutes before 07:00 firing on police, alongside a second gunman. His account is partially corroborated by other witnesses. That morning, Andriy Shevchenko, then an opposition MP and part of the Maidan movement, had received a phone call from the head of the riot police on the square. "He calls me and says, 'Andriy, somebody is shooting at my guys.' And he said that the shooting was from the Conservatory." Shevchenko contacted the man in charge of security for the protesters, Andriy Parubiy, known as the Commandant of the Maidan. "I sent a group of my best men to go through the entire Conservatory building and determine whether there were any firing positions," Parubiy says. Meanwhile the MP, Andriy Shevchenko, was getting increasingly panicked phone calls. "I kept getting calls from the police officer, who said: 'I have three people wounded, I have five people wounded, I have one person dead.' And at some point he says, 'I am pulling out.' And he says, 'Andriy I do not know what will be next.' But I clearly felt that something really bad was about to happen." Andriy Parubiy, now deputy speaker of the Ukrainian parliament, says his men found no gunmen in the Conservatory building. But a photographer who gained access to the Conservatory later in the morning - shortly after 08:00 - took pictures there of men with guns, although he did not see them fire. Sergei's account also differs from Parubiy's. "I was just reloading," he told me. "They ran up to me and one put his foot on top of me, and said, 'They want a word with you, everything is OK, but stop doing what you're doing.'" Sergei says he is convinced the men who dragged him away were from Parubiy's security unit, though he didn't recognise their faces. He was escorted out of the Conservatory building, taken out of Kiev by car, and left to make his own way home. By that time three policemen had been fatally wounded and the mass killings of protesters had begun. Kiev's official investigation has focused on what happened afterwards - after the riot police began to retreat from the square. In video footage, they are clearly seen firing towards protesters as they pull back. Only three people have been arrested, all of them members of a special unit of riot police. And of these three, only two - the lower-ranking officers - remain in custody. The unit's commanding officer, Dmitry Sadovnik, was granted bail and has now disappeared. The three policemen are accused of causing 39 deaths. But at least a further dozen protestors were killed - and the three policemen who died of their wounds. Some of the dead were almost certainly shot by snipers, who seemed to be shooting from some of the taller buildings surrounding the square. Lawyers for the victims and sources in the general prosecutor's office have told the BBC that when it comes to investigating deaths that could not have been caused by the riot police, they have found their efforts blocked by the courts. "If you think of Yanukovych's time, it was like a Bermuda triangle: the prosecutor's office, the police and the courts," says Andriy Shevchenko. "Everyone knew that they co-operated, they covered each other and that was the basis of the massive corruption in the country. Those connections still exists." Ukraine's Prosecutor General, Vitaly Yarema, was dismissed this week, amid harsh criticism of his handling of the investigation. Meanwhile, conspiracy theories flourish. "I'm certain that the shootings of the 20th were carried out by snipers who arrived from Russia and who were controlled by Russia," says Andriy Parubiy, the former Commandant of the Maidan. "The shooters were aiming to orchestrate a bloodbath on Maidan." This is a widely-held belief in Ukraine. In Russia, many believe the opposite - that the revolt on Maidan was a Western conspiracy, a CIA-inspired coup designed to pull Ukraine out of Moscow's orbit. Neither side offers convincing evidence for its assertion. The overwhelming majority of the protesters on Maidan were peaceful, unarmed citizens, who braved months of bitter cold to demand a change to their corrupt government. As far as is known, all the protesters killed on 20 February were unarmed. The leaders of the Maidan have always maintained they did their best to keep guns away from the square. "We knew that our strength was not to use force, and our weakness would be if we start shooting," says Andriy Shevchenko. Parubiy says it is possible that a handful of protesters with weapons may have come to the Maidan as part of a spontaneous, unorganised response to violence from the security forces in the days running up to 20 February. "I did hear that, after the shootings on 18 February, there were guys who came to Maidan with hunting rifles. I was told that sometimes they were the relatives or parents of those people who were killed on the 18th. So I concede that it's possible there were people with hunting rifles on Maidan. When the snipers began to kill our guys, one after another, I can imagine that those with the hunting rifles returned fire." Sergei, again, tells a different story. He says he was recruited as a potential shooter in late-January, by a man he describes only as a retired military officer. Sergei himself was a former soldier. "We got chatting, and he took me under his wing. He saw something in me that he liked. Officers are like psychologists, they can see who is capable. He kept me close." The former officer dissuaded him from joining any of the more militant groups active on the Maidan. "'Your time will come,' he said." Was he being prepared, psychologically, to take up arms? "Not that we sat down and worked out a plan. But we talked about it privately and he prepared me for it." It is not clear who the man who apparently recruited Sergei was, or whether he belonged to any of the recognised groups active on the Maidan. And there is much else that we still do not know, such as who fired the first shots on 20 February. As for conspiracy theories, it is possible that Sergei was manipulated, played like a pawn in a bigger game. But that is not the way he sees it. He was a simple protester, he says, who took up arms in self-defence. "I didn't want to shoot anyone or kill anyone. But that was the situation. I don't feel like some kind of hero. The opposite: I have trouble sleeping, bad premonitions. I'm trying to control myself. But I just get nervous all the time. I have nothing to be proud of. It's easy to shoot. Living afterwards, that's the hard thing. But you have to defend your country." You can watch a longer video report by Gabriel Gatehouse here [ http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-31435719] and listen to a radio documentary here [ http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p02jcrf3].
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#3 Facebook May 9, 2015 Maidan Snipers By Ivan Katchanovski [ https://www.facebook.com/ivan.katchanovski?fref=nf] Ivan Katchanovski teaches at the School of Political Studies and the Department of Communication at the University of Ottawa. He was Visiting Scholar at the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies at Harvard University, Visiting Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics at the State University of New York at Potsdam, Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Department of Political Science at the University of Toronto, and Kluge Post-Doctoral Fellow at the Kluge Center at the Library of Congress. He received his Ph.D. from the School of Public Policy at George Mason University. A new video provides a direct evidence of shooters killing an entire group of Maidan protesters from the Hotel Ukraina. It corroborates other evidence mentioned in my study, such as eyewitness reports, directions of entry wounds, and bullet trajectories. The video shows that its maker and some other protesters noticed the shots from the hotel at the direction of the protesters. He zoomed to specific open windows on the 12th and 9th floor of the hotel, but then had to flee under a cover of threes after a bullet hit a metal pole near him. The video was uploaded to YouTube more than a year after the massacre. But this crucial new evidence is deliberately ignored by the Ukrainian media and official investigation, even though they aware about this video, because it was recently posted in Nebesna sotnia, Maidan samooborona (Maidan Self-Defence), and Pravyi sektor (Right Sector) Facebook groups. It is noteworthy that the crucial video was also ignored by Maidan Self-Defence and the Right Sector, whose leadership and covert armed groups of "snipers" were linked to this massacre of both the police and the protesters. During the first minute and a half of this video, which was filmed from 9:28am till 9:32am, at least six protesters were killed and many other wounded in the same area near Zhovtnevyi Palace. Three other protesters were killed there within three minutes prior, and another protester within a minute after the end of the video. The video shows that Ihor Kostenko was killed in the rear of the advancing protesters at 9:28am, and it zooms on large caliber pellets near the place of his killing a minute afterwards. He reportedly had more than one entry wound, specifically to his head and to the legs. This is consistent with use of hunting shotguns with large caliber pellets by the Maidan shooters, specifically at the Hotel Ukraina. In spite of its importance, the mainstream media in the West would likely not report this crucial new piece of evidence pointing to actual Maidan "snipers" who massacred their fellow protesters as a part of the organized violent overthrow of the government. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=akVXLbkJsX0 233 Киев. Институтская. 20.02.2014 Ivan Katchanovski: The fourth video by the Polish TV shows that a protester was pushing other protesters at 9:25am to this massacre area within a minute after Serhii Baidovsky from the Volyn Region was killed and Oleh Sukhinsky was wounded there. In his interview, Sukhynsky said that he saw that he was being shot from the Hotel Ukraina. His wound on the right thigh coincided with the position of advancing protesters and the shot from the direction of the hotel. He can be seen in the Polish TV video in a lilac cover when he was carried away at 9:26am to the same Hotel Ukraina from which he was shot. Several other wounded protesters were carried out. The Polish video ends at 9:27:26am during the height of the massacre at that location. The TV reporter on the ground and his cameraman for some reason omitted the shooters from the Hotel Ukraina in front of them. http:// http://www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci-ze-swiata,2/najwazniejsze-wideo-z-majdanu-ostatniego-tygodnia,400776.html Ivan Katchanovski: The new video shows at 9:29:47am a part of the wall of Zhovtnevyi Palace after it was hit, likely by pellets, barely missing a group of the protesters. One of the protesters asked if they were shooting from the Hotel Ukraina. A ballistic trajectory from the impacted wall points to the same 12th floor identified as one of the locations of "snipers" during earlier shooting in the same video. This is the photo of the same wall area. http://radiokoteg.kiev.ua/MAIDAN/MAIDAN_018/P3070195.JPG Ivan Katchanovski: The lights indicate the ballistic trajectory from that location. http://radiokoteg.kiev.ua/MAIDAN/MAIDAN_018/P3070196.JPG Ivan Katchanovski: Serhii Bondarchuk was killed in his back in the same area within 20 seconds before or after this time when he carried one of the protesters near the main entrance to Zhovtnevyi Palace. His son stated based on evidence that he collected that his father was killed in the back from the Hotel Ukraina. His story was featured in the Reuters report concerning the government investigation of the Maidan massacre, but the location of the shooters in the hotel was not mentioned in this story. The arrested Berkut members are charged with killing Bondarchuk. http://www.reuters.com/.../us-ukraine-killings-probe... Special Report: Flaws found in Ukraine's probe of Maidan massacre KIEV (Reuters) - For millions of Ukrainians, it was a... REUTERS.COM|BY BY STEVE STECKLOW AND OLEKSANDR AKYMENKO A member of the "Vikings" neo-Nazi group in the Right Sector during the Euromaidan publicly admitted on his VK page on May 7 that he killed two policemen on February 18, 2014 and that his associate also killed two policemen on the same day from his Nagant revolver. They both joined the far right-led battalions during the war in Donbas. This confession and other evidence of the involvement of the Right Sector in the violent overthrow of the government and in the Maidan massacre are ignored by the current government law enforcement agencies. This ignoring and various other evidence suggest that the Right Sector acted in coordination with some of the Maidan leaders. https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1021916377838248&set=a.117187214977840.13788.100000596862745&type=1&theater May 8 Ivan Katchanovski: Live reporting by 112 TV channel since 8:00am provides another evidence of Maidan shooters in the Music Conservatory https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pv_cSiy2O3U Ivan Katchanovski: Another live report at 8:37am states that the shooters from the conservatory wounded at least 5 policemen on the Maidan. Both reports confirm that the Maidan shooters at the conservatory used large pellets to kill and wound the police. The Berkut and Internal Troops retreated at haste from the Maidan within about five minutes after the end of this video. These two videos are completely ignored by the media. They had about dozen views each after more than six months on Youtube when I found them. I saw other live broadcasts showing these events on the Maidan during this very time period on February 20. These recordings by the Radio Liberty and several Ukrainian TV and internet broadcasts from the Hotel Ukraina were removed immediately after the massacre on February 20 or not made public, in contrast to recordings from other days. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QMQ1XXAUqxk April 29 Ivan Katchanovski: Interpol has refused a Ukrainian authorities request to put a commander of the special Berkut company and its members, who are charged with killing of 39 protesters during the Maidan massacre, on its wanted list. Interpol concluded that the prosecuted Berkut members face a political persecution in Ukraine. This is another evidence of falsification of the Maidan massacre case by the Ukrainian government. The Western media and the governments prefer to ignore such evidence and continue to propagate the official version of the massacre with no questions asked. Google News search has produced not a single English language news report by Western media about the recent Interpol refusal. The attached report looks like a Google translation of a Ukrainian news report because the name of Sadovnyk is translated as Gardener. Such a consistent pattern of behavior over a long period of time indicates that this is a deliberate policy of misrepresentation of the Maidan massacre for political reasons. The Western governments have one the best intelligence, technical, and analytical capabilities in the world, and they almost definitely know that this massacre was a false flag operation. The same concerns the Western media which has sufficient resources to investigate the massacre. Interpol refused to declare an international arrest former commander Dmitry Berkut Gardener. [http://ukrainiancrisis.net/news/10327] UKRAINIANCRISIS.NET April 16, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: In his interview, which was only published In Ukraine recently, the commander of Omega unit of the Internal Troops confirms that they had information and observed themselves that on February 20 both Maidan protesters and the police were killed and wounded from the Hotel Ukraina. He also confirms my study findings that the shooters and spotters were also stationed in the Music Conservatory, Zhovtnevyi Palace, Kinopalats, Muzeiny Lane, and other nearby buildings controlled by the Maidan. His unit observed Maidan protesters armed with hunting rifles and Kalashnikovs in these areas, and it came under live ammunition fire. The Omega commander also confirms that groups of the Maidan protesters started first using live ammunition during the "peaceful march" on February 18 and that the fire in the trade union building started on the floors controlled by the Right Sector. This crucial information was ignored by the investigation and the media in Ukraine and the West, with some exceptions. http://apostrophe.com.ua/.../obschee-mnenie-boytsov-byil.../1284 Ivan Katchanovski: The head of a Maidan Self-Defense unit confirms that the Hotel Ukraina was under control of the Maidan during the massacre on February 20 but denies that any shooters were there in spite of several videos showing the Maidan shooters in the hotel at the time of the massacre. He states that he personally and his unit members guarded the Hotel Ukraina and checked those who entered the hotel since the end of January 2014. In the beginning of the massacre, this unit commander, Maidan Self- Defense members, and Svoboda leaders and activists are seen in various videos in the lobby and at the entrances to the hotel and hotel elevators and stairs. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yHv-IpBRb8k March 31, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: A report of the International Advisory Panel, set up by the Council of Europe, presents new evidence corroborating my study conclusions that the investigation of the "snipers' massacre" on the Maidan is deliberately and systematically falsified and stonewalled at the highest level in Ukraine, in particular by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General office, as a part of the cover-up. This panel was tasked with assessing the government investigation, and it did not conduct its own investigation. Therefore, this report contains summary of the main findings and evidence by the Ukrainian investigation. The report reveals that contrary to the public statements, the official investigation has no evidence implicating government snipers but has evidence of "shooters" killing protesters from the Maidan-controlled Hotel Ukraina, Music Conservatory, and other buildings and that the version of Maidan shooters is not pursued. This is an important official admission which corroborates my findings of Maidan shooters killing the protesters from these locations. Such my findings were previously dismissed or ignored, and I came under various personal attacks for making such conclusion. The government investigation determined that Berkut special company members killed the absolute majority from 49 protesters because the majority of victims were killed by 7.62x39 caliber bullets, their trajectories indicate that more than 30 protesters were killed from the Berkut barricade, and because videos show the Berkut members shooting from similar caliber Kalashnikov rifles from this barricade. This conclusion means that the investigation deliberately ignores videos and eyewitness testimonies about Maidan shooters having and firing at both the protesters and the police from the Kalashnikov assault rifles of the same caliber from the Hotel Ukraina, Zhovtnevyi Palace, and the conservatory building and a GPU's own suppressed statement about protesters being killed from the Hotel Ukraina from a Simonov carbine of the same caliber. Furthermore, the report omits official admissions by the investigators that at least 17 protesters were killed with pellets, one by a 9mm bullet from a Makarov gun, and six by other ammunition, such as hunting bullets.My study cites videos and eyewitness testimonies about Maidan shooters possessing and firing at both the protesters and the police from hunting shotguns and rifles from the hotel, conservatory and other Maidan-controlled buildings. My analysis of killings of specific protesters, specifically videos synchronized with a precision to a second, bullet trajectories, and directions of entry wounds, shows that the absolute majority of the protesters in front of the Berkut barricade were killed from the same Maidan controlled buildings, while the Berkut members shot at these buildings. But wounding or killing of some of the protesters by the Berkut cannot be completely ruled out because of the lack of specific information in a small number of cases. But such continuing suppression of the crucial information by the government of Ukraine is consistent with its deliberate cover-up of this mass killing in which far right and oligarchic parties and top government officials were involved. https://rm.coe.int/CoERMPublicCommonSearchServices/DisplayDCTMContent?documentId=09000016802f038b Ivan Katchanovski: The Council of Europe report also reveals that to date the only evidence in the government investigation of the Dmytro Bulatov's widely publicized "abduction" is his own statement. The failure by two investigations to produce any other corroborating evidence of his abduction supports a conclusion in my study that this was another false flag operation, similar to the "Maidan snipers' massacre." Absences of previously reported evidence, which was collected by the investigation and pointed to such "false flag case of violence," and testimonies of his fellow Automaidan leaders, who belatedly admitted last fall that the Bulatov's "abduction" and "crucifixion" were staged, also suggest that the Bulatov case investigations are similarly falsified for political reasons as a part of a cover-up. "336. Mr Bulatov was one of the organisers of AutoMaidan and, on the evening of 22 January 2014, he was abducted, detained and severely ill-treated until his release on 30 January 2014. 337. There are two pending investigations: one opened on 31 January 2014 concerning his abduction and detention and, a second, opened by the PGO on 5 March 2014, concerning his ill-treatment. Given the circumstances of the crime and the events that preceded its commission, the MoI are examining a number of theories as regards his abduction, including that it was an abduction to extort a ransom from Euromaidan leaders or that it was connected to certain debt issues. However, to date the only evidence in the casefile is the statement of Mr Bulatov himself." (p. 54 of the report). Ivan Katchanovski: The investigators deliberately ignored the Parasiuk company and other Maidan armed groups and use of hunting weapons by them. They claim that Berkut used hunting ammunition even though no guns capable of shooting pellets were seen in videos there. A lawyer representing the killed protesters says that the ballistic analyses were conducted in haste without precise measurement and without identifications of specific locations of victims and shooters and types of ammunition used. http://antikor.com.ua/articles/20284-advokati_majdanu_sprava_1_grudnja_na_tomu_h_rivni_shcho_i_pri_pshontsi_i_zaharchenku/print March 13, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: In a little known ZDF video, Parasiuk is seen retrieving his armed company members from the same room of the Hotel Ukraina at 10:22am. The ZDF correspondent Britta Hilpert said that the armed protesters stopped their shooting from the ZDF hotel room when this commander came, and that he was angry and commanded the shooters to stop and move because "the press should not be drawn into it." Ruslan Koshulynsky from Svoboda is seen with this group of armed shooters in this video near the ZDF room on the 14th floor. This video was removed from the German ZDF website in the last two weeks. Ivan Katchanovski: Volodymyr Parasiuk confirmed that his unit-which included armed protesters with experience fighting in armed conflicts-was based in the conservatory building at the time when two dozen policemen were wounded and killed by "snipers" from the conservatory and Trade Union buildings. He was the same special combat company commander who called from the Maidan stage in the evening of February 21 to reject a signed agreement, which was mediated by foreign ministers of France, Germany and Poland and a representative of the Russian president. The agreement called for investigation of the Maidan massacre with international help. Parasiuk issued a public ultimatum for President Yanukovych to resign by 10:00am of the next day. He justified his ultimatum by blaming Yanukovych for the massacre, while coffins of killed protesters were carried out in front of the stage and some of the members of the Parasiuk-led company, who were seen along with him in the Hotel Ukraina during the massacre, standing in front. He stated that his combat company based in the Music Conservatory was responsible for the turning point of the Euromaidan, and threated an armed assault if Yanukovych would not resign. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C6cpyRwl-ZU Ivan Katchanovski: Another previously unreported video shows a man, who was wearing black Right Sector-style clothing and balaklava and who matches a description of a shooter reportedly captured at the Hotel Ukraina. Parasiuk and at least some other members of his group leave the hotel around 11:00-11:30am with Svoboda deputies, Maidan protesters, and journalists witnessing this man, the Parasiuk group, and a protester armed with Kalashnikov but not reporting all this. The Spilno TV broadcast and initial media reports stated around 11:00am that a "sniper" was found on the 10th floor by the Maidan Self-Defense armed with Kalashnikovs. A protester saw a similarly-dressed "sniper" being carried by Maidan Self-Defense near the Hotel Ukraina. A Spilno TV recording also contains information that a French TV crew from Itele filmed the capture of one of the shooters in the Hotel Ukraina during the massacre and interviewed him, but this video was not broadcast. The most rational explanation that this "sniper" was captured either to create a plausible deniability like in the case of the conservatory shooter or that he was captured by Maidan Self-Defense members who knew about the shooters there but were not initially aware about their allegiance. Videos show dozens of Maidan Self-Defense members in front of the Hotel Ukraina around that time. This and other videos also show Svoboda members of the parliament, such as Ruslan Koshulynsky, Oleh Pankevych, Yuri Syrotiuk, Iryna Stekh, Iryna Farion, Oleh Osiatynsky, Ihor Shvaika, and Anatolii Vitiv, witnessing the arrival and exit of members of the armed Parasiuk group or being at the first floor and near the hotel during the massacre, in some cases, such sd Koshulynsky, from its very start. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lSoGsR304rk Ivan Katchanovski: The Ukrainian media takes an active role in falsification of the Maidan massacre. One of the main TV channels recently produced Parasiuk's interview in which he said nothing about his armed company in the Hotel Ukraina but said that he was helping wounded near the hotel at the time of the massacre. http://tsn.ua/special-projects/20february/page11232/ March 3, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: My "Snipers' Massacre" on the Maidan in Ukraine paper has been just accepted for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association in San Francisco. This is the largest academic conference of both American political scientists and political scientists in the world, and the absolute majority of paper proposals are rejected following a peer review. A summary of my "snipers' massacre" study will be published in a forthcoming academic book by Canadian scholars specializing in the politics of the post-Soviet region. There is still no other academic study of this crucial case of mass killing. February 21, 2015 Volodymyr Ishchenko: Ivan Katchanovski published significantly updated and revised version of his study on Maidan snipers' massacre on Feb 20, 2014. The new version contains substantially more significant (including recently published) evidence, in a more structured and ultimately in a much more convincing way arguing for an organized provocation by some elements among Maidan protesters including the far right. Previously we published a Ukrainian-language summary of the main points of an earlier Katchnovski's paper and some critical journalist investigations here: http://commons.com.ua/chi-spravdi-berkut-ubiv-nebesnu-sotnyu-zapitannya-bez-vidpovidej-pro-podiyi-20-lyutogo/. At the moment Katchanovski's study remains the only attempt for systematic analysis of all publicly available evidence about the snipers' massacre. It is essential for political and academic discussions about Maidan, and, to my belief, no serious analysis of February 20 events can ignore it, even if not necessarily agreeing with all Katchanovski's conclusions. February 20, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: I've uploaded a revised and updated draft version of my study of the "Snipers' Massacre" on the Maidan in Ukraine. This version presents a lot of previously supressed, ignored and misrepresented evidence, including videos of suspected shooters. It also analyzes circumstances of all individual cases of protesters killed during the massacre. I plan to incorporate this paper into my book on Euromaidan and the war in Ukraine. This version of the paper was also provided to major media in the US and Western Europe, specifically New York Times, because this issue has great importance not only for academic research but also to the politics of Ukraine and the international conflict over Ukraine. https://www.academia.edu/8776021/The_Snipers_Massacre_on_the_Maidan_in_Ukraine Also: The Snipers' Massacre in Kyiv: A Response to Critics. http://www.academia.edu/9092851/The_Snipers_Massacre_in_Kyiv_A_Response_to_Critics February 14, 2015 Ivan Katchanovski: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung finally reports that the Parasiuk's special Maidan company was armed, based in the Music Conservatory, and fired at the police in the morning of February 20th. BBC also aired stories this week about Maidan protesters shooting at the police from the conservatory building. I sent my paper containing these findings and links to publicly available sources to the Western media, including BBC, six months ago but they did not report these findings then. But even more important revelations about the massacre of protesters are still unreported by the mainstream Western media. "In an interview with Germany's establishment newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), published on February 9, Parasyuk said many in his group were armed. "A lot of lads came to us then, who said we should take up arms and attack... Many had guns with them, often hunting rifles," he was quoted as saying. Parasyuk confirmed to FAZ that his men fired on the police, saying that this was in response to initial police fire. The police started firing over the barricades, and the protestors "defended themselves using their guns," Pararsyuk said. Initial records of police casualties for that week show that three policemen died between 9.30am and 10.30am on February 20 from injuries sustained on Institutska. "As the first men [from the riot police] were injured, everyone stormed forwards. Everyone who was on the barricades stormed up the Institutska Street... Our boys used their weapons only once," Parasyuk said, "as they were storming [up the hill]." According to Parasyuk, as quoted by FAZ, this was the moment that police marksmen opened fire. "They started to provide covering fire for the retreating [police units]" Parasyuk said. According to FAZ, "The perpetrators, whoever they were, may initially have been in a sort of defensive position, but then exceeded everything that could be regarded as justified in this position. Self-defence turned into cold, indiscriminate killing," FAZ reports. A source staying in the Ukraina hotel overlooking the Maidan and Institutska also told bne IntelliNews of an opposition rifleman demanding entry to guest rooms and then firing from the window. Parasyuk's role in the events of February 20, 2014 has largely remained unknown until now. It was only the following day, on February 21 that he made his name with a dramatic public debut. The government and opposition had reached an EU-negotiated power-sharing deal at around 1:00pm on February 21, 2014 that envisaged Yanukovych remaining in power until elections towards the end of 2015. At an emotional opposition rally on the Maidan on the evening of February 21 to commemorate the slain, the then-unknown Parasyuk seized the microphone to fiercely denounce the deal and the parliamentary opposition that had signed it. Parasyuk told Yanukovych that if he did not resign by 10:00am the next day, his armed men would come and storm the presidential residence. The crowd cheered this intervention, and Parasyuk has since been given credit for prompting Yanukovych's flight from his residence that same night, paving the way for the pro-EU opposition to come to power. Parasyuk in his first press interview, given to Ukrainskaya Pravda on February 24, three days after his dramatic intervention from the stage of the Maidan, made no mention of any use of firearms during the protests. But asked why he wore army fatigues, he said he had had paramilitary training with a range of nationalist groups in his native West Ukraine. He also said that it was his group, numbering around 50, that were occupying the Conservatory." http://www.bne.eu/.../kyiv-blog-what-triggered-maidan-massacre KYIV BLOG: What triggered the Maidan massacre? | Business New Europe Opposition protestors fired on Ukrainian police before the ensuing massacre in Kyiv on February 2014,... BNE.EU Ivan Katchanovski: About two dozen of protesters, part of whom were armed with Kalashnikov assault rifles and hunting rifles, are seen entering the Hotel Ukraina in 10:17am during the massacre of the protesters in presence of several Svoboda deputies and many Maidan protesters and Western and Ukrainian journalists. Parasiuk orders them to go the 10th floor. BBC, AFP, Itele, Sky News, Globe and Mail, and a Ukrainian TV correspondents recorded this group entering the hotel, but they either downplayed this, showed parts of the group, or did not report this at all. More importantly, the media failed to connect the dots to the massacre of the protesters, although much of such evidence was available at that very time. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xws_Yy3YVa8 December 24, 2014 Ivan Katchanovski: In his new interview, Yanukovych confirms that the Maidan shooters killed both the police and the protesters from the Hotel Ukraina and Zhovtnevyi Palace and that he fled Ukraine because he became an assassination target. He also indicates for the first time that his chief of staff ordered the violent dispersal of a small protest on the Maidan on November 30th to provoke large scale protests and that a preliminary investigation showed that the first killing of the protesters in January was also manipulated by the opposition. http://www.aif.ru/.../viktor_yanukovich_eksklusivnoe_interview December 19, 2014 Ivan Katchanovski: The full-text English version of my interview to Telepolis provides a link to previously unreported and little known videos containing direct evidence that the members of the Maidan opposition not only controlled the Hotel Ukraina during the massacre, but that they were armed with Kalashnikov assault rifles of a 7.62mm caliber type and with hunting and other rifles, and that they shot with live ammunition from the Hotel Ukraina during the massacre. This is consistent with the type and the caliber of the ammunition used against both the unarmed protesters and the police, with directions of many bullet impacts in bodies of the protesters and in trees and poles in the massacre areas near the hotel, and with eyewitness reports by both the protesters and the police concerning the shooters from this hotel targeting them with live ammunition. These recordings also corroborate a report of SBU Alfa commanders that shooters moved to the hotel from the Maidan side. They also corroborate other videos and evidence showing that the Berkut and Omega fired at the shooters based at the Hotel Ukraina. Specifically, one of these recordings contains information about two groups of armed Maidan protesters looking for shooting positions on the same 11th floor, from which a few minutes afterwards the protesters and the BBC crew came under live ammunition fire from a shooter wearing a Maidan-style green helmet. The Ukrainian media and the government knew about this live broadcast but preferred to deliberately ignore it in order to promote a politically convenient version of the massacre. Some parts of this broadcast were rebroadcast live by Espresso TV during the massacre, but its crucial audio was removed. http://www.ustream.tv/recorded/44026041 December 17, 2014 Ivan Katchanovski: The interview with the lawyer of some of the killed protesters in Ukrainska pravda again demonstrates that the "snipers' massacre" on the Maidan continues to be openly falsified by the government and the media in Ukraine. The Western governments and the mainstream media, with some exceptions, continue to turn blind eye on this mass killing of Ukrainians that led to the violent overthrow of the government. The involvement of far right and oligarchic organizations and their leaders and members in the mass killing of fellow Maidan protesters and the police is not even considered, while the evidence of such involvement continues to be misrepresented, disregarded, and supressed. Videos showing Berkut and Omega openly shooting at the direction of the protesters are still used as the chief proof of their involvement, even though the videos are often deliberately selective and edited. In contrast, recordings of live broadcasts, videos, eyewitness testimonies, radio intercepts and bullet trajectories pointing to concealed shooters on the Maidan side armed with the Kalashnikov assault rifles, hunting rifles, and other guns of the same caliber used to kill both the police and the protesters are deliberately withheld, ignored or suppressed. http://life.pravda.com.ua/person/2014/12/15/185841 December 17, 2014 Ivan Katchanovski: The recently released 55 minute long video, which was filmed by an unidentified person from the Hotel Ukraina and publicized by the Ukrainian media, exemplifies such a falsification. This video and numerous Ukrainian media reports about this video omit both moments of killing of most of the protesters and evidence of shooters in the Hotel Ukraina. The manifest content of the video focuses on the Berkut and Omega shooting at the direction of the protesters and the Hotel Ukraina. But analysis of its latent content and its comparison with other sources reveals that groups of shooters targeting the police and the protesters were based at the Hotel Ukraina and nearby buildings on Instytutska Street in the Maidan controlled areas. Specifically, Oleg Sukhynsky, a protester in a lilac cover shown shortly before and shortly after his wounding on 14 minute of the newly released video, said in his media interview that he saw that he was shot from the Hotel Ukraina. Serhii Bondarchuk was killed at about the same time and area. His story was featured in the Reuters report concerning the government investigation of the massacre. The Berkut members are charged with his killing, but his family members said that they had different evidence. In another media interview, his family members say that he was killed from the Hotel Ukraina. This location was not reported in the Reuters story. Two holes in a metal pole in the green fence near which the protesters were killed point to a bullet fired from a 7.62mm gun from the Hotel Ukraina. At least 13 protesters, identified by name by their relatives and by their fellow protesters who survived the massacre, were killed at about the same time and at the same or nearby spot. They include two from the Volyn Region. The BBC and STB correspondents showed that a Maidan-style green helmet wearing shooter or shooters were later shooting at the protesters from the same left wing of the Hotel Ukraina. An exit bullet hole in the left side of his blue helmet and his position when he was shot at 39 min in the video indicates that Ustym Golodniuk was killed from the direction of the Hotel Ukraina, which is on the opposite side from the Berkut and Omega-manned barricade. His killing was publicized in Ukrainian and Polish documentaries and various media reports and attributed to the government snipers. More than dozen protesters were killed and wounded at the same spot. The Ukrainian government investigation stated last month that they did not find any evidence of "snipers" in the Hotel Ukraina and nearby buildings controlled by the Maidan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IsE7lYVa5kk
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#5 CNN March 6, 2014 Leaked call raises questions about who was behind sniper attacks in Ukraine By Dana Ford, CNN
Don't read too much into the conversation.
That was the message Wednesday from Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet after a phone call between him and European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton was leaked.
In the recording, which was posted to YouTube [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEgJ0oo3OA8] and picked up by Russian media, Paet talks about his recent visit to Ukraine. He says a doctor named "Olga" told him opponents of Ukraine's ousted President may have been responsible for deadly sniper fire.
President Viktor Yanukovych fled more than a week ago in the wake of protests in Kiev's Independence Square, where snipers from nearby rooftops killed scores of people.
"(Olga) can say that it is the same handwriting, the same type of bullets, and it's really disturbing that now the new coalition that -- they don't want to investigate what exactly happened. There is now stronger and stronger understanding that behind snipers, it was not Yanukovych, but it was somebody from the new coalition," Paet told Ashton.
She replied: "I think we do want to investigate ... I didn't pick that up. That's interesting. Gosh."
Paet's office released a statement Wednesday that confirmed the authenticity of the recording. It said the call took place on February 26.
"Foreign Minister Paet was giving an overview of what he had heard the previous day in Kiev and expressed concern over the situation on the ground. We reject the claim that Paet was giving an assessment of the opposition's involvement in the violence," the statement read.
"It is extremely regrettable that phone calls are being intercepted," said Paet in the same statement. "The fact that this phone call has been leaked is not a coincidence."
Ashton's office declined to comment on the conversation, saying she does not discuss leaks.
CNN could not immediately reach the Ukrainian government for comment, nor could it confirm the identity of "Olga."
Russia's state-news agency RIA-Novosti said she was Olga Bogomolets, chief coordinator of medical aid at the main protest camp in Independence Square.
CNN has previously talked to Bogomolets. She volunteered last month to treat protesters and accused forces of shooting to kill, saying she had treated 13 people she believed had been targeted by "professional snipers."
"They were shot directly to their hearts, their brain and to their neck," she said. "They didn't give any chance to doctors, for us, to save lives."
The recording is the second such recent leak on Ukraine.
Early last month, a leaked audio recording of a phone call allegedly caught a U.S. diplomat to Europe using profanity to express strong frustrations with inaction and indecision by the European Union in resolving the crisis.
In the conversation, voices closely resembling those of Assistant Secretary for European Affairs Victoria Nuland and U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt discuss a plan to broker a deal between the Ukrainian government and the opposition.
At one point the woman, who sounds like Nuland, can be heard saying "f**k the EU."
The call could not be independently verified, and it was not clear when and where it was recorded.
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#6 Defusing the Nuclear Threat https://nuclearrisk.wordpress.com June 19, 2014 Transcript of Estonian FM Bombshell Revelation Martin Hellman Professor Emeritus of Electrical Engineering Stanford University My March 6 post introduced the bombshell revelation contained in Estonian Foreign Minister Urmas Paet's intercepted, leaked, and authenticated phone conversation, in which he says, "there is now stronger and stronger understanding that behind [the] snipers ... it was not Yanukovych, but it was somebody from the new coalition." I have been surprised not to be able to find a complete transcript of the almost 11 minute conversation, so I produced one and include it immediately after my signature line below. I believe it to be at least 99% accurate, but if anyone finds an error or has a different interpretation of what was said, please post it as a comment, indicating where in the YouTube audio it is located. Some other useful information: 1. German public television sent an investigative reporting team, which interviewed wounded protesters and gathered other evidence. They independently concluded that there was a serious possibility that Paet's allegation was correct. See my April 14 post for details and links. 2. Mainstream American media continue to either ignore this significant evidence, or to cover it in misleading ways. In particular, as of this writing (11:30 PM PDT on 19 JUNE 2014): A Google search for the words Paet Ashton Kiev produced no relevant hits within the New York Times web site. The same was true for the Wall Street Journal, and TIME magazine. The Los Angeles Times covered the conversation only once, on May 20, over two months after the information surfaced. Even then, the article misrepresented the content of the conversation by concluding, "But the pair [Paet and Ashton] discussed only the conspiracy theories, according to the 11-minute call posted on YouTube and confirmed by Estonia." Read the transcript, or even better listen to the YouTube audio, and reach your own conclusion. The Daily Beast (formerly Newsweek magazine) also delayed coverage of the conversation, this time by several weeks, on March 30. The article presents photographs which it says "appear to reveal the truth about who carried out the shootings in Independence Square on that day." But the alleged truth here is that "Russian trained killers" were responsible, not violent elements within the protesters, as claimed by Paet. The article refers to Paet's allegation as "a weird post-script" to the massacre. The article quotes Dr. Olga Bogomolets as saying that, "she has no idea how Paet could think that was what she was saying." But, as the transcript below shows, Paet never said that Bogomolets was the source of the allegation that the snipers were from the new coalition. That is an understandable inference from the order in which he says things, but it is not what he said. Furthermore, Paet's allegation is a "declaration against interest," which deserves investigation, especially in light of the corroborating investigative report by German public television mentioned above. Another Daily Beast article a few days later similarly does not give the allegation the credence it deserves, and again focuses on Dr. Bogomolets denial. Coverage in the Washington Post was similarly delayed until March 25 and April 3, and emphasized that the call was "presented to appear more controversial than they should," or Dr. Bogomolets' denial. The Christian Science Monitor's coverage was slightly better, but still inadequate. It was prompt (March 8), but started with the Ukrainian government's allegation that Russia was responsible for the snipers. Only later does it get to Paet's allegation. 3. My June 4 post presents strong evidence that the new Ukrainian government's National Guard has killed unarmed protesters - behavior that, in February, President Obama said would not be tolerated by Yanukovych. Martin Hellman BEGIN TRANSCRIPT OF PAET-ASHTON 26 FEB 2014 CONVERSATION[NOTE: Words in square brackets with question marks on either side of them are ones where I was not certain, for example [?Regane?]. Times are noted at a number of points in the transcript to ease correspondence with the YouTube audio.] [ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZEgJ0oo3OA8] 0:00 phone rings, and a woman answers in a foreign language. Man 1: Hello. Good afternoon, madam. This is [?Regane?] from the Center Action Service. Woman 1: Yes, yes, hello. Man 1: Surely, hello. (laughs) Should we go ... you think it's going to be possible straight away? Woman 1: To connect to Mr. Paet? Man 1: Yes. Woman 1: Yes, yes. Man 1: So please go on. I am connecting with the Lady Ashton cabinet. [Catherine Ashton is EU Commissioner for External Relations.] Woman 1: Yes, thank you. Man 1: You're welcome. (0:34) Woman 2: Yes, hello. This is Miriam speaking. Man 1: Yes, it is for the conference with the Estonian Foreign Minister. They are on line. Please stay on. Woman 1: Hello. [Note: Women 1 and 2, here and below, may be new participants, but it does not affect the conversation.] Woman 2: Yes, hello. Can you put me through please? Woman 1: Yes, I will connect you to Minister Paet. One moment. Woman 2: Thank you. 1:02 music plays while they are on hold, phone rings 1:20 Woman 2: Hello, minister? Paet: Hello. Woman 2: Hi. I put you through. Thank you very much. Paet: Yes, thank you. phone rings 1:37 Paet: Hello. long silence 1:54 phone rings Ashton 2: Hello. Paet: Hello. Ashton: Hello, how are you? Paet: I am fine. Ashton: Good. Paet: And you? 2:00 Ashton: Good. I am good. I just wanted to catch up with you on what you thought when you were there. Paet: oK, yes. I returned last night already, so that I was one day. Ashton: Yeah. Impressions? Paet: Impressions are sad. Ashton: Um hum. Paet: I met with representatives of Regions Party [originally Yanukovych's party, but it had dissociated from him by this point in time], also new coalition representatives, and also civil society [Ukrainian non-governmental organizations or NGOs]. There is this lady called Olga [Dr. Olga Bogomolets, who was tending to wounded protesters] who is head of the doctors. Yes, yes. You know her? Ashton: I do. 2:30 Paet: Yes, so that, well, my impression is indeed sad that there is, well, no trust towards also these politicians who will return now to the coalition. Well, people from Maidan and from civil society, they say that they know everybody who will be in new government - all these guys have a dirty past. 2:52 Ashton: Yeah Paet: So that, well, they made some proposals to the same Olga and some others from civil society to join new government. But this Olga, for example, she says directly that she is ready to go to the government only in the case if she can take with her, her team of foreign experts to start real health care reforms. 3:16 Ashton: Yeah. Paet: So that, well, basically, it is that the trust level is absolutely low. On the other hand, all the security problems, this integrity problems, Crimea, all this stuff. Regions Party was absolutely upset. They say that, well, they accept, they accept this that now there will be new government. And there will be external elections. But there is enormous pressure against members of parliament - that there are uninvited visitors during the night ... to party members. Well, journalists ... some journalists who were with me, they saw during the day that one member of parliament was just beaten in front of the parliament building by these guys with the guns on the streets. 4:10 Ashton: Yeah. Paet: So that all this mess is still there. And, of course, this Olga and others from civil society, they were absolutely sure that people will not leave the streets before they see that the real reforms will start. So that it's not enough that there is just change of government. So that that is the main impression. 4:27 So that, from EU's and also well Estonia's point of view, of course, we should ready to put this financial package together. Also together with others. This very clear message is needed that it's not enough that there is change of government, but they say real reforms - you know, real action to increase the level of trust. Otherwise, it will end badly. Because the Regions Party also said that, well, we will see that if the people from the eastern part of Ukraine will really wake up, and will start to demand their rights. Some people also with me, they were also in Donetsk. There people said that, well, we can't wait. How long still the occupation of Ukraine lasts in Donetsk. That it is real Russian city, and we would like now to see that, well, Russia will take over. So that well ... short impressions. 5:26 Ashton: No, very, very interesting. I just had a big meeting here with Olli Rehn [EU Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs] and the other commissioners about what we can do. I mean, we're working on financial packages - short, medium, long-term. Everything from how we get money in quickly. How we support the IMF. And how we get a kind of ... investment packages and business leaders and so on. 5:49 On the political side, we've worked [?out?] what resources we have got, and I offered to civil society, and to Yatsenyuk [Aresniy Yatsenyuk became the interim prime minister when what is now the "new coaltion" became the interim Ukrainian government] and Klitchko [Vitali Klitchko, one of the leaders of the new coalition, a former boxer, and now mayor of Kiev], and everybody I met yesterday: "We can offer you people who know how to do political and economic reform. The countries that are closest to Ukraine have been going through dramatic changes and have done big political and economic reforms. So we have got loads of experience to give you, which we're happy to give." I said to the people in Maidan, "Yes, you want real reforms, but you've got to get through the short-term first. So you need to find ways in which you can establish a process that will have anticorruption at its heart, that will have people working alongside until the elections, and that you could be confident in the process. 6:41 Then I said to Olga, "You may not be Health Minister now, but you need to think about becoming Health Minister in the future, because people like you are going to be needed to be able to get and make sure that [?reform?] happens. I also said to them, "If you simply barricade the buildings now, and the government doesn't function, we cannot get money in, because we need a partner to partner with. 7:04 Paet: Absolutely. Ashton: And I said to the opposition leaders, shortly to become government, "You need to reach out to Maidan. You need to be, you know, engaging with them. You also need to get ordinary police officers back on the streets under a new sense of their roles, so that people feel safe. 7:21 I said to the Party of the Regions people, "You have to go and lay flowers for the people [who] died. You have to show that you understand what you have ... what has happened here. Because what you were experiencing is anger of people who have seen the way that Yanukovych lived and the corruption. And they assume you are all the same." 7:40 And, also the people who have lost people and who feel that, you know, he ordered that to happen. There is quite a lot of shock I think in the city. A lot of sadness and shock, and that is going to come out in some very strange ways if they are not careful. I think all of us, we just have to work on this. We did a big meeting here today to try and get this in place. But, yeah, very interesting, your observations. 8:04 Paet: It is. And, well, actually, the only politician [whom] the people from civil society mentioned positively was Poroshenko [Petro Poroshenko, known as "the chocolate king" was elected president of Ukraine in the May 25 election]. Ashton: Yeah, yeah. 8:15 Paet: So that he has some sort of, how to say, trust among all this Maidan people and civil society. 8:20 And, in fact, what was quite disturbing, the same Olga told that, well, all the evidence shows that people who were killed by snipers, from both sides, among policemen and then people from the streets, that they were the same snipers, killing people from both sides. [8:38] Aston: Well, that's ... yeah. Paet: So that, then she also showed me some photos. She said that as [a] medical doctor she can, you know, say that it is the same handwriting, the same type of bullets, and it's really disturbing that now the new coalition, that they don't want to investigate what exactly happened. [8:58] So that there is now stronger and stronger understanding that behind [the] snipers, they were ... it was not Yanukovych, but it was somebody from the new coalition. [9:10] Ashton: I think we do want to investigate. I mean, I didn't pick that up. It's interesting. Gosh. 9:14 Paet: Yeah. So that it was [?indeed?] disturbing that, if it starts now to live its own life very powerfully, that it already discreditates [sic] from [the] very beginning also this new coalition. 9:24 Ashton: I mean this is what they have got to be careful of as well, that they need to demand great change, but they have got to let the Rada [Ukrainian Parliament] function. If the Rada doesn't function, then they have complete chaos. So that, it's all, you know, being an activist and a doctor is very, very important. But it means that you're not a politician. And somehow they've got to come to a kind of accommodation for the next few weeks, which is how the country is actually going to run. And then we get the elections and things can change. And that's, I think, going to be quite pop... I am planning to go back early next week, probably on Monday. 9:55 Paet: It's really important that now, well, people from Europe and also [the] West show up there so that it's absolutely... Ashton: Well, [?Verislav?] is going with the Visegrad Group [an alliance of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia] Friday. Friday, Saturday. William Haig (unintelligible) on Sunday. I will be back again Monday. Paet: Yes, I heard also that Canadian Minister is going on Friday. And yesterday also William Burns [the American Deputy Secretary of State] was there, so we met ... Ashton: Yes, I saw Bill. Paet: We met also with Burns there in Kiev yesterday. Ashton: Yeah, good. Yeah, I didn't know that John Baird was going. I will get hold of him. Okay, my friend. It was great to talk to you. 10:26 Paet: Well, thanks for these comments, and wish you well. Nice Australia. Ashton: Yeah. What? Paet: Nice Australia. Enjoy! Ashton: I am not going to go. I got to delay it because I'm going to do more Ukraine instead. Paet: OK, good, good. Ashton: All right, my friend ... Paet: OK. Thank you. Thank you. And all the best to you. Bye. Ashton: Bye. END OF TRANSCRIPT
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