Powerless in the Land of the Free

Harry T. Cook
By Harry T. Cook
10/4/13

Powerless is how the political drama in this country makes me feel. I have no control over what my country does or does not do. I cannot make Congress restore the much-needed funds for the SNAP program, better known as food stamps. I have no power at all to keep Congress from plunging the nation into a catastrophic default. I am in no position to shame Congress into enacting laws requiring universal background checks on anyone buying a weapon of mass destruction, viz., a gun.

 

Aside from the improbable coincidence of being present as the next madman aims his assault rifle at a classroom of innocent children and interposing my body between him and those kids, I am helpless to prevent that next massacre -- and it is sure to come sooner rather than later.

 

I was an avid student of civics in the eighth grade, of government in the 12th grade and of political science as a college sophomore. Leonard Clayton Bailey, Burrell Smith and Prof. Darrell Pollard, respectively, helped me understand how American government is supposed to work.

 

I learned in several history courses how government sometimes doesn't work very well, often to the great disadvantage of the governed. Late 19th- and early 20th-century Russian history and 20th century European history spelled that out for me in clear and certain terms. There are other examples.

 

My generation learned that those who represent the electorate all the way from the village council to the United States Senate are to be responsive and accountable not only to those who elected them but to the People at large. They are charged with the enactment of laws that, among other things, will enable every American in the pursuit of happiness first mentioned in the Declaration of Independence.

 

Along the way, we learned about Elbridge Gerry and the sneaky ways state legislatures corner the market on political power to their own parties' advantage. We learned about lobbying and lobbyists and the effect they have on the manufacture of sausage. We were, many of us, aghast when in 2010 the United States Supreme Court went out of its way by a 5-4 vote to enable the big-money folk of the 1% to run the country their way and for their own benefit.

 

We say today, both in anger and sadness that this is how it is. Toeing the line between pessimism and optimism, we are hoping for the better, if not the best, and preparing for the worse, if not the worst.

 

Perhaps we might draw inspiration from the lore of a 13th-century BCE people who lived in economic oligarchies along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. They were the 99% of their day -- perpetually poor, on the edge of destitution, living under the heel of one despot or another.

 

They came to see they had three choices: 1) they could hunker down and live out their lives in quiet desperation, thus consigning their children to the same bleak existence; 2) they could rise up in revolution; or 3) they could pick up and move out. They rejected the first option. They had the smarts to know that if they went with No. 2, the 1% would grind them into meal. So they chose No. 3: They picked up and left.

 

Textual and archaeological evidence strongly suggest that they removed to the hill country of what is now northern Israel and there established egalitarian communities. They created for themselves a socialist economy based on a principle much later articulated as "from each according to his ability; to each according to his need."

 

Apparently, at the first and for some time after, they had no kings and no military. They figured out to govern themselves, which may have given us the beginnings of what are the mitzvoth known as the Ten Commandments that probably started out with No. 10 (Thou shalt not covet) and worked in the opposite direction as they are known today, ending with (Honor thy father and thy mother). The other four have to do with cultic matters. Mitzvoth five through 10 are pretty clearly parts of an early humanist ethic.

 

Not much doubt that they represent the founding principles of what is known today as Judaism and its younger counterpart Christianity that has its own mitzvoth: Turn the other cheek, volunteer to walk the second mile beyond the one required, forgive as often as it takes, love your enemy, etc. Judaism and Christianity share with Buddhism the idea that society is better off when a person does not do to another what he would hate to have done to himself.

 

Should we who are terminally fed to the teeth with the economic and political oligarchy that is now America a) just put up with it and tell our children to do the same, b) organize a nonviolent revolution, or c) leave? The first option is unthinkable. The second, in light of the infamy of the Citizens United ruling, seems unattainable. The third for some is Canada, which would entail many complex problems for such �migr�s.

 

My Detroit friend Frank Joyce has chosen the second option and issued a call to action. I've known Joyce for 45 years. I was involved with him in what we used to call symbolic action, some of which was less symbolic than I'd want to try to defend today. Following is an astounding paragraph he has written as part of a longer article.

 

[In anything resembling a peaceful revolution], we will have to rely on ourselves. And more and more, we are doing just that. For those of us who believe the current dominant order is not only not working, but is a menace to life on Earth, we [may] have a part in making another world happen.

 

I know him well enough to know that he means making it happen not only "here" but "now." Power, then, to the people, as we used to shout.

 


Copyright 2013 Harry T. Cook. All rights reserved. This article may not be used or reproduced without proper credit.
 

What a Friend They Had in Jesus: The Theological Visions of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Hymn Writers

Have you ever found yourself humming a favorite childhood hymn, only to realize you could no longer embrace its message? Harry Cook explores how hymns reflect the religious beliefs of their times. He revisits the texts of popular hymns, posing such questions as: How true are they to the biblical texts that seem to have inspired them? What aspects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century piety have persisted into the twenty-first century through the singing of those hymns? And, how does one manage the conflict between the emotional appeal and the theological content of such hymns?

Available at:
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What reviewers said:

 

"Important and heart-warming ... Cook's keen insights into the most familiar of old-time gospel hymns ... help you do theology like a grownup."
--Robin Meyers, author of Saving Jesus from the Church

 

"A compelling look at centuries of Christian theology and practice, at how particular hymns have shaped American faith and religious thought."
--Richard Webster, Director of Music and Organist at Trinity Church, Boston

 

"A call to integrity in worship ... This exciting, penetrating and provocative study explores the theology we sing, which re-enforces the dated and pre-modern theology from which the Christian faith seeks to escape."
--John Shelby Spong, author of Re-Claiming the Bible for a Non-Religious World


 


Readers Write 
Essay 9/27/13: Make Peace By Forgiving        

 

Mares Hirchert, Hartland, MI:

Forgiving someone does not preclude bringing the person before the International Criminal Court. Does the U.S. have proof that it was Assad's regime that was responsible? If so, then take the proof to the International Criminal Court. If the U.S. had proof that Iraq had chemical weapons then why wasn't it used to bring Saddam to the ICC? Why do we think we can bomb everyone? What happened to the rule of law? Forgiveness doesn't preclude holding person responsible-if it turns out to be the rebels then they need to be held accountable as well.

 

Madeline Fairweather, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada:

A thoughtful peace, indeed. You help make clear the complexities of forgiveness in the real world.

 

Benjamin Archer, Fargo, ND:

Thank you for that exegesis and analysis of forgiveness, proving how difficult it is to do so. As you seem to be, I think that some things are unforgiveable, though I don't know how humanity can bear the burden of the grudge. Thanks for making me, my reading group and my family think about these things. You are a master writer.

 

Larry Chevalier, Dearborn, MI:

I am surprised that some of your critical thinkers haven't mentioned that the founders of this country came here at least in part because they were sick and tired of our present kind of governmental behavior. The kings and the kings' men had control of their European countries, and the people just couldn't do anything about it. I think that is why the U.S. Army was originally limited to 500 men and required permission from Congress to leave the garrison at West Point -- and also why the Second Amendment was included in the Constitution.

 

Euni Rose, Southfield, MI:

Spot-on as usual! And wasn't it just 73 or so years ago that Chamberlain caved in to Hitler in the hopes of peace? Look where that got all of us!

 

Tracey Martin, Southfield, MI:

Forgive Hitler? He escaped our judicial vengeance. Forgive G�ering? Keitel? And the other monsters? We didn't. Nor were we forgiven for imposing the Shah on Iran. We're still paying for that miscalculation. We in the anti-war movement never forgave Lyndon Johnson for Vietnam. Or Nixon for Watergate. Both were driven from office. Sans regret. Fine essay, nevertheless.

 

John Bennison, Walnut Creek, CA:

I would agree the mere cessation of violence does not make for true or lasting peace as we might like to imagine it. And confronting and overtaking violence with superior violence is nothing more than a possible suspension of an ongoing conflict. But the irascible question is, when there exists a moral imperative to respond to an act of unspeakable violence, how should one act? The "enemy love" mantra seeks conversion of the perpetrator, while admirably placing the cantor between perpetrator and victim. Any superior brute force deployed for good -- driven only by a "compromised" moral imperative because of the means being used -- must acknowledge both its limited objective of protecting the innocent and oppressed; and the harsh reality that it will always fall short of true peace.

 

George O'Hara, Woonsocket, RI: 

Easy for your bishop and priest friends to preach forgiveness and love of enemies. They weren't in that mall in Kenya. How could those terrorists ever be forgiven? It is nothing short of immoral to even consider the possibility. Sometimes I wonder about people like them and you.

 

Blayney Colmore, Jacksonville, VT:  
Maybe it comes down to just how radical one is about these matters. Your outrage at Assad's gassing of innocents, and your sense that justice demands that they be avenged, strikes a powerful chord in me. And I also know that whatever is done to Assad as punishment will change nothing about the basic dynamic that seems to govern human actions at our worst. What impressed me when I was being trained by the Fellowship of Reconciliation in preparation for taking part in demonstrations all those decades ago, was their insistence that if I was not prepared to take on two of their most basic tenets, I should bow out. The first [tenet] was willingness to accept the consequences -- without defending or retaliating -- that may come from putting my body on the line. Those included everything from being derided, perhaps spit on, to jail, to being killed. The second was working out in advance where those against whom you were demonstrating fit into the solution you envision. If you could see no place for them, then it wasn't a resolution, but merely one power broker replacing another. I was deeply impressed by these tenets. I rehearsed them in my head scores of times leading up to the first demonstration I joined, against those opposing busing in Boston in 1964. Today I have actually been granted a tiny glimpse of where Louise Day Hicks and her cohorts fit into a post-busing Boston. But during the course of that demonstration on Beacon Hill it was only my fear of disapproval from my fellow demonstrators that kept me from retaliating against the ugly abuses that only the Boston Irish can mete out. And when the paddy wagons arrived I realized I was unprepared to go to jail that was run by the kin of those same Boston Irish. I have carried in my wallet for the past fifty years the pamphlet given to me by the Fellowship of Reconciliation, but I never officially joined because I had neither the physical discipline nor the courage to meet their standard. I believe that your opponent at that forum is right; only forgiveness and reconciliation offer hope for our species' survival. That requires something I have never been able to muster.


What do you think?
I'd like to hear from you. E-mail your comments to me at revharrytcook@aol.com.

 


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