As I graduated from high school, I realized that community college seemed to be my only pathway into post secondary education. What I recalled about my matriculation experience in 1974 was that I showed up on a given date to the gymnasium where new college applicants moved along an assembly line of tables manned by admissions staff, then counselors who helped you choose a program and then directed you to a set of tables where you could sit and talk with the faculty that taught in that particular program. The faculty reviewed your education plan with you and enrolled you in your first semester of courses around your work schedule.  You left the gym with your class schedule in hand and after a trip to the bookstore you were ready to go.

         Now jump forward to the summer of 1988. After a 14-year absence, I had an opportunity to return to my community college as an adjunct professor of Administration of Justice. The application process had changed. As a result of new legislation, college applicants had to participate in a English and math assessment and based on those scores, they might be placed in developmental courses to help them reach, what my colleagues referred to as "academic readiness". In this matriculation model, students left the advising session with an education plan, enrolled in courses for the following semester. In 1988, it was difficult to track the effectiveness of this matriculation model because computer systems were just becoming part of the records keeping systems in community college, however modern computer records management systems have made it easier to track student applicant enrollment.

         I had learned about a recent study by the Community College League of California [CCLC], 2010) that analyzed data from students in the 20-24 age range (the age group that dominates college campuses statewide), and reported that California's Asian population leads the participation rate in post-secondary education at a rate of 296 per 1000 (29.6%), while California's Latino population trails behind at a rate of 159 per 1000 (15.9%).The CCLC's (2010) data suggest that reaching California's share of post-secondary completers will be problematic, particularly for the Latino population.  I began to wonder how California's completer goal could be met if the fastest-growing portion of California's population, Latinos, appears to be the least likely to attend college?

         I had access to a new database at one community college that could track student activities during matriculation. As a result of this new technology, I wanted to look at how many applicants made it from the application and assessment process to enrollment in courses. This became a research interest that eventually culminated into my doctoral dissertation. I wanted to find out what institution or personal barriers might result in barriers to community college enrollment.

          My research site is a large northern California community college where potential students signaled their desire to attend college by filling out an application and taking a proctored assessment on the college campus in reading, English, and math. Some even made appointments to meet with a counselor, where they might discuss career and educational plans. However, after all this personal effort, of the 727 student applicants who filled out online applications in fall of 2011, the majority (N = 525) did not enroll in college courses. This contradiction between completing matriculation and not enrolling in community college courses has institutional and personal costs. For the institution, considerable resources are expended in managing application documents, organizing testing instruments and facilities, and using counselors. On the personal side, the disparity between applicants and enrollees signals lost opportunities and dreams: individuals who sought post-secondary education did not meet their goal. From an educational-leadership perspective, I hoped that analysis of the applicant experience provide insight into how to increase enrollment rates. The sample population for my study included large numbers of historically underrepresented students who are the first in their families to attend college. This sample was similar to college going populations in San Francisco, Alameda, and Contra Costa Counties. My quantitative data was comprised of both student application and assessment data, as well as computerized counselor-scheduling data.

Findings and implications

In fall 2011, of 727 applicants who filled out an application online, 274 completed took at least one assessment test in reading, writing, and/or mathematics. Of this group, 203 subsequently enrolled in at least one course within the next two semesters and 71 did not enroll in any courses. For the purposes of discussion the three groups were identified as the Starters (N = 274), the Enrollees (N = 203), and the False Starters (N = 71). 16 False Starters agreed to be interviewed about their matriculation experience and conversation analysis was conducted using Nvivo analysis software.

Institutional barriers to enrollment.

         According to students in this study, the most important institutional factor that hinders enrollment is limited access to institutional advice regarding admission, assessment, academic and career planning. Both the quantitative and qualitative data showed students experienced inadequate contact with advisors, whether these were counselors, faculty advisors, academic advisors or peer mentors. The quantitative data suggests that Starters who had more then 30 minutes of contact were significantly more likely to enroll (71.6%) when compared to those who had less then 30 minutes of contact (43.5%). Furthermore, the qualitative data suggested that False Starters needed more time to work on career and academic planning, particularly when they were the first in their families to seek to attend college. This discovery is consistent with the findings of Tinto (1993) and London (1992), who wrote that counseling can lay the groundwork for supporting students' college aspirations with both moral and technical support. In addition, some researchers believe that effective student services provide opportunities to share "funds of knowledge" about how to maneuver amid the obstacles inherent in community colleges (e.g., London, 1992; Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Terenzini et al., 1996).

Personal barriers that affect enrollment.

         The quantitative data suggested that traditionally underserved students are less successful at enrolling in college courses than their white counterparts are. This is consistent with other literature on student success (e.g., Adelman, 2006; Green, 2007; Tinto, 1993). This data also suggests that non- traditional older students over 25 years of age enroll at higher rates than students making the transition from high school. This might be because more mature students have more life experience and are more committed to college, which they see as a path towards social and economic mobility (Adelman, 2006), or that the 18- to 24-year old college student is affected by lack of knowledge about community-college requirements, which creates a misalignment of expectations and makes these students' retention and success problematic (Kirst, Venezia and Antonia, 2004; Smith & Wertlieb, 2005). Furthermore, according to Smith and Wertlieb (2005), when student characteristics do not align with the environment of the institution, students can regret selecting the college and may subsequently leave the institution. Smith and Wertlieb attribute this to unrealistic expectations on the part of the student and/or to perceptions that the institution is not fulfilling its obligation. In this study, the Interviewees (and particularly the younger first generation college students from historically under-represented groups) described the matriculation process as not supporting their needs, because applicants at the beginning of the matriculation process had limited access to advice that could sustain them through the process. As a result, these students had to return to the college numerous times to seek assistance. When they were unable to obtain advice, they became frustrated, fearful, and confused, and failed to enroll in courses.

Fear avoidance strategies.

         According to Cox (2009), "cooling out" is the process of disengagement to protect one's ego. Students in this study reported traveling to the college sometimes up to three times; they were on the verge of taking the first steps toward their educational aspirations, only to decide to take a break or downsize their original goals. Marco for instance was unable to communicate his needs to the counselor; as a result he was confused and did not enroll. When asked why he did not enroll, he stated that he needed a "break" from school. According to both Goffman (1952) and Bourdieu (1977), when people accept a new self-image and then find that they may be exposing themselves to the danger of personal failure, they can employ avoidance strategies that allow them to lower their aspirations or disengage entirely. Instead they may consider taking a break from the situation as a consolation for failure (Cox, 2009).

         In another example, Kim was unsure about her choice of careers and because of a lack of information from counseling, she became fearful that her choice might not be a good fit. She was worried that she would start a program and find out it was not suitable for her. In Maya's case, hopelessness replaced optimism when she reviewed her reading assessment scores; without having received any counseling, she concluded that she had to let her college dream go. Cox refers to this avoidance strategy as "postponement". Additionally, the False Starters who were working full time and expressed frustration over making a choice between college and work might have chosen to further their education if they had felt they could count on the institution for more support. Instead they feared they might fail in college, and work was a safer choice.

Initiating change

         The findings of this study were shared with the student services staff at the research site. They have begun to develop a plan that shifts what they refer to as "advise giving" to the front of the matriculation process through the development of a comprehensive student orientation that walks students through the application process and shares assessment preparation tools. In addition, students and counselors will hold frank discussion about career choices based upon their current academic readiness and students will be provided different educational pathways to both proximate and distal educational and career goals.