Tunisia is proof of a precious truth: the Arab world can change for the better, and Islam can be reconciled with democracy. The rest of the world should applaud, and help Tunisia complete the transition.

The Carthaginian exception - But Tunisia also created its own luck. Nahda's leaders are a moderate and pragmatic bunch, who have learned from the mistakes of Islamists elsewhere. In Egypt Muhammad Morsi alienated many of his compatriots by concentrating power in the Brotherhood's hands and was toppled by the army. In Tunisia, when post-revolutionary politics appeared close to collapse last year after the murder of two opposition politicians, Nahda agreed to dissolve the three-party government it led and made way for a cabinet of technocrats.

The country's future must be decided by Tunisians themselves. In an election contested by around 100 parties, the front-runners are Nahda and the more secular Nidaa Tounes coalition. Either is credible, but whichever wins should rule by consensus and liberalize the economy to rekindle growth.

The West, for its part, should sustain civil-society groups, and provide more generous economic help in return for sensible economic reforms. Europe should open up its markets to Tunisia's exports; if it does not want migrants (or perhaps jihadists) from Tunisia it should at least admit its tomatoes and olives. Precisely because of the crises elsewhere, the world must not neglect Tunisia: it is a rare light in a dark region.  

Despite what some believe, there is no "Arab exception" to democracy, nor is there any inherent contradiction between democracy and Islam. The Middle East can indeed achieve stability and peace through a process of democratic reconciliation and consensus. But the road will be long and involves the challenging work of building institutions, healing old wounds and forging compromise around shared values. The path that Tunisia has taken can guide others.

Unlike in Libya, Egypt or Iraq, Tunisia's new political system has turned away from exclusion; rather, we put our faith in the ballot box. We have also endeavored to avoid any mistreatment of those who oppressed, wrongly imprisoned and tortured others under the old system by establishing a Commission on Truth and Dignity, which provides a judicial process guided by human rights and rule of law to help us turn the page on the past.

Tunisia hopes to prove that Islam and democracy can coexist in the Middle East. That we, too, yearn for freedom. That we, too, can develop a progressive, inclusive system. That our people can put the interests of their nation above personal political interests. But we need the West to invest in our democracy - not just for our sake but for all those with a stake in a more secure world.

Dictatorships do a great deal more to create and maintain violent religious extremism than liberalization has done or will ever do, contrary to the headline on David Kirkpatrick's New York Times report from Tunisia claiming that "new freedoms in Tunisia drive support for ISIS."

It's an uncomfortable fact that Tunisians make up a disproportionately large number of ISIS fighters. But demographic, geographic, and political particularities say more about the reasons for this than the freedoms that have come to Tunisia since the overthrow of the dictator, President ben Ali, in January 2011.

The support provided to re-empowered authoritarians -- like Egypt's President Sisi or the al-Khalifa monarchy in Bahrain -- who are committed to reversing and blocking the freedoms sought by Arab spring protesters in 2011 shows that religious extremism and political repression are mutually supportive. They are the real drivers of violent religious extremists like ISIS and al-Qa'eda.

If the United States and its allies cannot find a way to counter violent religious extremism while promoting and protecting human rights then everyone will lose. There are no quick fixes to the damage inflicted on Arab societies by decades of dictatorship. Gradual progress towards representative government based on political compromise, tolerance, and legal protections for human rights that Tunisia has demonstrated over the past three years offers by far the best way forward.

As Tunisians vote Sunday in national legislative elections, Ennahda has shown itself a nimble survivor. It enters the election as a front-runner and is expected to win 25 to 30 percent of seats, which may give it a chance to govern yet again.

Ennahda is managing to adapt by presenting itself as a legitimate Islamist alternative working within Tunisia's still evolving democratic system, its leaders argue.  There is, of course, political calculation, too. For instance, in Sidi Bouzid, the cradle of the Tunisian revolution, the party leadership chose to offer spots to two independent candidates who represent the region's biggest tribal families and can guarantee a large vote.

"The idea was to broaden the base," said Radwan Masmoudi, director of the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy, who accompanied Mr. Ghannouchi and several other Ennahda officials on a recent trip to the United States. "We want to be for all Tunisians, and we want to attract them with our program," he quoted Ennahda officials as saying.

"Ghannouchi played a key role in this," he added. "He had spent 20 years in exile in London, and he had seen many other Islamist parties and movements fail, and he does not want to replicate those failures. He wants to succeed."

Ennahda has yet to voice support for any other candidate. But if it does get to form the government, it will likely support a presidential candidate from the old guard who could mitigate some of the opposition that an Ennahda-led government would provoke.