eNews for Faith-Based Organizations
November 19, 2013
In This Issue
Vital FBO protections amended into Senate ENDA bill

The ENDA bill--the Employment Non-Discrimination Act--passed by the Senate on Nov. 7 actually better protects religious freedom than when it was introduced--despite strong efforts for several months to drastically weaken its religious freedom protections. Without objection--indeed, with the support of the bill's sponsors and Senate leader Harry Reid (D-NV)--the Portman amendment (Sen. Rob Portman, R-OH) to strengthen religious protections was added to the bill.

 

The bill, S. 815, would prohibit employment discrimination on the bases of sexual orientation and gender identity. ENDA bills have been introduced in Congress since the mid-1990s. This is the first time the Senate has passed such a bill. The House adopted an ENDA bill in 2007, but that bill did not include transgender protection. It is unlikely that the current House will act on ENDA at all. (Twenty-one states plus the District of Columbia ban employment discrimination based on sexual orientation; 17 states and DC ban both sexual-orientation and gender identity job discrimination. Many large cities and large companies also have similar prohibitions.)

 

Since the 2007 House bill, ENDA bills have included a religious organization exemption: an organization able under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to consider religion when hiring is not subject to ENDA's prohibitions. That same exemption is in the bill the Senate adopted last week.

 

It is a significant exemption, but an inadequate one. For one thing, it isn't absolutely clear which organizations are exempted: What makes an organization "religious enough" to be exempted? Will religious businesses (e.g., a bookstore or day care center or broadcaster) be exempt? In the context of the HHS contraceptives mandate, the administration insists that businesses in principle are not religious organizations (on the other hand, most courts so far, when deciding on preliminary injunctions, have gone the other way). In any case, a religious organization exemption does not obviously protect religious individuals, nor non-religious organizations and individuals that nevertheless have moral concerns about sexual conduct.

 

In a Senate determined to adopt ENDA, there was no sympathy to address these issues (an amendment proposed by Sen. Toomey (R-PA) to clarify the scope of the religious organization exemption was roundly defeated). But the Portman amendment did make highly significant changes.

 

Portman's amendment made two important changes:

 

(1) It added non-retaliation language. In the bill as adopted, a religious organization that utilizes its exemption to decline to hire a person because of their LGBT conduct cannot be retaliated against by federal officials or by a state or local agency that receives federal dollars. The exempt organization cannot be stripped of its tax exemption, a government grant or contract, a license or accreditation or other government benefit. As one Senator said during the debate: this change ensures that the government's right hand doesn't remove from a religious organization what its left hand gave to it.

 

(2) It added language stressing that Congress intends to protect religious freedom at the same time as it seeks to advance LGBT rights. In other words, in protecting gay rights, Congress is not intending to create a compelling government interest that should trump religious freedom the way the government's interest in ending racism generally trumps the government's duty to protect the freedom of religious organizations to conduct their affairs as their faith dictates.

 

Activists (the ACLU, the Secular Coalition, and others) had been pressing the Senate to treat sexual orientation and gender identity the same as race, age, and sex in the employment context, drastically narrowing the ENDA bill's religious organization exemption. Instead, via the Portman amendment, the Senate strengthened the religious freedom protections. The amendment removed from the bill the assertion that LGBT discrimination is "unconstitutional"--no court in fact has ruled that. And the amendment added a new purpose statement: the ENDA bill seeks not only to prohibit wrongful LGBT job discrimination but also to uphold religious freedom. It has two distinct purposes, so that the action in favor of LGBT employees cannot be understood to mean a desire to undermine religious organizations.

 

These language changes, as well as the addition of the non-retaliation provision, and the religious organization exemption itself, all make it clear that, at least for the Senate, LGBT rights are not the same as race, sex, and national origin discrimination claims. That's important not only for religious employers exempt from ENDA but also for other organizations that might want to make a religious claim that they should be exempt from ENDA for religious reasons, and for persons who believe their religious freedom is wrongly burdened by ENDA's requirements.

 

Supporters of religious freedom--whatever their views on ENDA itself--owe thanks to Sen. Portman and to the Senators who co-sponsored his amendment: Kelly Ayotte (R-NH), Dean Heller (R-NV), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), and John McCain (R-AZ). Thanks are owed as well to Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) who shepherded the amendment into the ENDA bill.

 

See also:

 

A strong LGBT attack on the religious exemption, here

 

Testimony from National Religious Broadcasters about the inadequacy of the religious freedom protections, here

 

Southern Baptist statement about ENDA's inadequacies, here

 

Catholic Church statement about ENDA's inadequacies, here

 

Sen. Harry Reid's promise to weaken ENDA's religious freedom protections, here. 
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Religious Freedom Restoration Act: now often disdained

Twenty years ago, a broad coalition of religious and civil rights groups came together to propose and advocate for the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), a bill intended to restore broad protection for religious exercise after the Supreme Court had undermined such protection in its Employment Division v. Smith decision. RFRA was approved by a unanimous voice vote in the House and then adopted by the Senate 97-3. President Bill Clinton signed RFRA into law on Nov. 16, 1993, with a speech lauding the measure for protecting our vital freedom of religion.

 

Twenty years later, that broad and strong support for RFRA and the free exercise of religion has waned. Not that there is no support for religion; rather, many wish to confine its scope to worship and private life, and to rule out religiously based conduct as rank discrimination when the religious choices conflict with the values of the secular majority. RFRA requires the government to have a compelling interest and no reasonable alternative path when it seeks to limit religious exercise by persons and organizations, but many now want religious exercise routinely to be confined. Bills to restrict the scope of RFRA have been advanced by both Republicans and Democrats over the past few years.

 

Now is the time to become (re)acquainted with RFRA: why it was needed, what it does, why it is even more needed now.

 

Resources:

 

Capitol Hill breakfast briefing tomorrow on RFRA: Wednesday, Nov. 20, 9-10 am. Cannon Caucus Room. 

 

Conference at the Newseum, Nov. 7, "Restored or Endangered? The State of Free Exercise of Religion in America." Three videos of outstanding presentations and discussions. 

 

Napp Nazworth, "Disagreements Over Sexual Immorality Threaten Religious Liberty, Legal Expert Says," Christian Post, Nov. 8  

 

Paul Hartge, "Would the First Amendment Pass Today?" Shared Justice, Nov. 14.
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More of the same: IL and HI SSM laws are weak on RF

Both Illinois and Hawaii recently redefined marriage to include same-sex couples. Like other states introducing same-sex marriage by legislation or court action, these two states chose to provide only minimal protection for the religious freedom of persons and organizations who have a religious conviction that marriage is reserved for male-female couples.

 

The protections in the Hawaii bill are so weak that a lesbian legislator voted against the marriage redefinition bill, saying that its religious exemptions were inadequate and predicting there will be court battles as a result 

 

And in Illinois, a news story reported the following reflection about what happened after the legislature passed a civil unions law supposedly protecting religious exercise:

 

"Patrick Cacchione, executive director of the Illinois Catholic Health Association, points out that when Catholic Charities refused to issue foster care licenses to gay couples in civil unions, the state chose not to renew its contract, saying it violated the law.

 

"'I couldn't have anticipated it,' Cacchione said, recalling assurances from lawmakers that the civil union law would not interfere with the groups' social work. 'I was shocked.'

 

"After that surprise consequence, Cacchione said, he expects the marriage law to produce 'fallout that I can't even anticipate.'"

 

The basic problem is that legislatures are quick to protect churches and pastors against having to perform same-sex weddings--when no legal authority believes that in the United States they can be compelled to do so anyway. But they are only somewhat willing to protect churches and other religious organizations from having to participate in celebrating same-sex weddings (e.g., by renting out banquet facilities). And they are essentially unwilling to protect religious organizations from having to treat as legitimate marriages unions that they believe are not marriages (e.g., in deciding which employees can claim spousal benefits or deciding where to place children for adoption) and unwilling to protect professionals such as wedding photographers from having to help to celebrate unions to which they have religious objections.

 

There are serious and sweeping religious freedom problems-but little interest by state legislatures or governors in addressing them.

 

For proper protections, see the letters to legislators and governors from constitutional law scholars archived at the Mirror of Justice blog.

 

And note the sad recent appearance of counter-letters by other experts, arguing against broader religious freedom protections.
HHS contraceptives mandate:  no end to legal action

Currently 82 lawsuits have been filed against the federal government to stop the application of the contraceptives/abortifacients mandate to religious nonprofits and religious businesses. Or are there more already since I last checked the indispensable record maintained by the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty? 

 

Among many noteworthy developments:

 

* The US Supreme Court is deciding whether to take one or more of the for-profit cases. 

 

* The US Conference of Catholic Bishops, during their annual fall gathering, issued a "special message" reiterating the Church's rejection of the mandate, the "accommodation" for nonprofit religious organizations, the lack of any protection for businesses, and the entire "false architecture of religious liberty" created by the mandate. The statement points out that the Church's Gospel duty is not limited to worship and evangelism but encompasses acts of mercy performed by hospitals, charities, and schools-which ought to receive the same religious freedom protection as do churches themselves. 

 

* GuideStone, the Southern Baptist Convention's administrator of health insurance and financial benefits, has filed its first lawsuit against the federal government, charging that the contraceptives mandate violates its religious freedom and that of the Southern Baptist organizations it serves.
Danger sign: turning churches into conduits for federal messages?

Anthony Bradley draws attention to an organized federal initiative to enlist African-American churches into recruiting agents for the federal health care benefits. He says:

 

"I was unaware that the federal government declared October 25-27, 2013 the 'National Weekend of Faith for the Affordable Care Act. The National Baptist Convention, one of the largest black church denominations in America, participated in a multi-church effort holding 'Health Care from the Pulpit' outreach events to educate black communities about Obamacare. Who knows how many churches actually participated, but one has to wonder what these churches were promised in return for their efforts: partnerships are always mutually beneficial.

 

"If progressives are so afraid that the 'wall of separation' between church and state is being dismantled, why are they not balking at the federal government's conversion of the black church into a sub-agency of Health and Human Services? There are so many questions to ask about this odd church/state relationship."

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