Temporary Funding Deal Produces Education Cuts
 Last week, Democratic and Republican members of Congress averted a potential government shutdown by striking a deal that provides federal funding until March 18. President Obama signed the stop-gap legislation just hours following its passage. Terms of the agreement include approximately $4 billion in spending reductions, about half-a-billion of which comes from the zeroing out of various education programs. Among the victims are several literacy programs, including the $250 million " Striving Readers" program, the $66 million " Even Start" program, the $25 million " Reading Is Fundamental" program, and the $26 million " National Writing Project."
According to Education Week's Politics K-12 blog, the $88 million "Smaller Learning Communities" and $64 million "Leveraging Educational Assistance Partnerships" programs are also slated to be defunded. Additionally, a number of education-related "earmarks," including those providing funding for the much heralded Teach for America program, as well as the National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, and the Close Up Fellowship programs, are also on the chopping block.
Each of the above-mentioned programs had already been targeted for defunding in President Obama's proposed budget for the coming fiscal year. The President had hoped, however, to consolidate several of the programs into a revamped package to be included in the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act.
Lobbying efforts intended to preserve funding for a number of the programs zeroed out in the compromise plan are already well under way. However, the cuts to federal education programs contained in the current agreement pale in the face of spending reductions contained in a bill that has already been passed by the House of Representatives. That bill, which was passed on February 19, and which provides federal funding for the remainder of the current fiscal year, lops approximately $5 billion off the U.S. Department of Education's current budget. The measure has been roundly criticized by Democrats, and is certain to face tough going in the Democrat-majority Senate.
With Republicans in control of the House of Representatives, from whence funding bills originate, and with a significant number of freshmen GOP members fervently committed to budget cuts that are both broad and deep, a dynamic is emerging that takes the form of the Race to the Top Fund in reverse image. With RTTF, the Obama Administration was able to finesse states into adopting various programs in order to qualify for receipt of significant funding. In the current budget discussions, the President is being pressured to abandon programs in order to secure a budget.
Stay tuned! |
Sizing it Up
 Andrew Rotherham is one of a handful of pundits who can rightfully be labeled an education policy moderate. The prolific Mr. Rotherham has produced a recent Time Magazine column titled, " When It Comes to Class Size, Smaller Isn't Always Better." Here are two key takeaways from the thoughful essay:
#1. "...as opposed to a lot of education ideas and proposals, class-size reduction actually has a track record. What that research tells us is this: Smaller classes are better, but only if the teacher is a very good one. In other words, class size matters, but teacher effectiveness matters more. That means that as a parent, you're better off with 28, 30, or maybe even more kids and a great teacher, than 24 or 22 and a mediocre one."
#2. "As is too often the case in education, that research is almost completely at odds with current practice. Instead of lowering class size a lot for the students who most need it, school districts generally lower it a little for everyone."
There is, of course, a limit to the number of pupils even a truly spectacular teacher can instruct without producing diminishing returns, and all other things being equal, smaller is preferable to larger. In a hypothetical district opting to provide smaller classes for the most academically challenged students, the cost benefit curve would continue to be parabolic, even if it were populated with a very high percentage of outstanding teachers. The trick lies in assigning a distribution of varying class sizes that bends the curve to the highest apex...a task that's no mean feat.
In 1996, the California Legislature passed a law mandating maximum class sizes of twenty pupils in grades K-3. Because the law provided no phase-in period, school districts throughout the state suddenly found themselves in the throes of a teacher shortage. To meet the requirements of the new law, hundreds of emergency teaching permits were issued. And, owing to various collective bargaining arrangements, it often proved the case that more experienced teachers gravitated to schools located in affluent, suburban areas, while the inexperienced newcomers were disproportionately assigned to schools situated in urban core areas populated by the neediest students.
Today, faced with looming budget cuts, a growing number of public school districts find themselves forced to increase class sizes. Last month, a Legislative Analyst's Office report found that "... the average class size by district in kindergarten through third grade rose from roughly 20 in 2008-09 to 25 in 2010-11." Just as class sizes were uniformly reduced, the current increases appear to be across the board.
Mr. Rotherham's exposition accorded priority to the needs of students. When California's economy improves, as it eventually will, permitting a restoration of smaller class sizes, it would be refresing to see the state embrace the same perspective.
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Quick Takes
The Media Bullpen Scores!
The Center for Education Reform has rolled out a new, editorially independent (and really cool looking) website whose purpose is to
"empower the public to put in context what they see and hear," as it attempts to absorb the hundreds of daily education stories and commentaries produced by the media. The Media Bullpen not only provides a new hub from which up-to-the-minute articles on education and education-policy can be accessed, it also rates each story on the basis of accuracy, clarity, context, and insight. Ratings range from a strike out to a home run, and a running "All-Time Batting Average" is kept for all stories covered. The site also provides reliability statistics for various categories of stories. For example, at the time these words were written, stories covering education funding were the least reliably covered, while articles addressing accountability were rated most reliable. A map of the United States can also be found. Simply click on a state, and you'll find links to recent, education-related stories. Twitter and Facebook links make it easy to follow "Bullpen" stories while you're mobile. You'll definitely want to check out this smart looking, useful web resource.
Diane Ravitch: Now and Then
Last week, historian of education Diane Ravitch made an appearance on The Daily Show to promote her recent book, The Death and Life of the Great American School System. (I will resist the temptation to expand upon what it means when a serious discussion of education policy is relegated to the Comedy Central channel.) You can watch host John Stewart's interview of Professor Ravitch, here.
Professor Ravitch's first appearance on The Daily Show took place in 2003, when she was promoting her then-current book, The Language Police. That work details the manner in which textbook publishers and testing companies often become the arbiters of acceptable language in the nation's public schools - sometimes to an absurd degree. California does not escape criticism. As a Yale Review of Books article noted: "It is in the California market that publishers feel the most pressure from the left. This pressure is to exclude any word that begins or ends with man (mankind, postman, human, etc.) or refers to any racial or ethnic group in a 'negative manner,' or seemingly any manner at all. In this case, negative manner expands to include a member of the group engaging in behavior stereotypical of that group. Thus, a story about an Asian person who happened to be a math whiz or a chef would be unacceptable, as would a story about a black athlete or a woman who knits."
This Week in Education's Alexander Russo provides a link to Professor Ravitch's 2003 Daily Show appearance, along with some pointed commentary regarding the peripatetic education reformer's certainty, now and then. You can watch and read, here.
Read the CAPE Outlook
- House hearings on school reform
- Senate hearings on opportunity scholarships
- New publications on school choice
- CAPE's new issue paper on ESEA
- President Obama's education budget
- And much more
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Enough Already
I appreciate well conceived arguments that call school choice proposals into question. A thoughtful challenge presents an invitation to reconsider one's position in light of new information, or to apply a different way of thinking to one's current beliefs. An example of such a challenge was provided by University of Colorado Professor Kevin G. Welner, in a 2008 Education Week article titled, "Under the Voucher Radar." I commend the article to those who, like me, favor responsible experimentation with education tax credit arrangements. The questions framed by Professor Welner will induce readers to think anew about some of the assumptions that inform their opinions. In this writer's view, that makes for a good article - one to which the E-Mailer responded at the time of its publication.
Regrettably, Professor Welner's constructive article is more the exception than the rule. A more typical, and less edifying response to a school choice initiative - in this instance, one currently before the Pennsylvania legislature - was provided last week by the Philadelphia Inquirer, and can be found, here.
The article opens with the following: "It's hard to argue against the troubling fact that thousands of students are trapped in poorly performing public schools. But a proposed voucher bill in Harrisburg has serious flaws and raises concerns." Its last sentence is: "A better course is to invest public dollars in public education, while holding teachers and districts accountable, and even closing the worst schools."
How, one might properly wonder, can the editorial board of the Philadelphia Inquirer know that doing more of the same will provide"a better course" if it is unwilling to experiment with alternative arrangements? Perhaps the current piece of legislation to which it objects does contain serious flaws. The question is: if those flaws were addressed, would the paper change its position? Must a school choice arrangement be perfect in order to contribute to something better than the status quo? And why aren't Philadelphia's public school teachers and districts already held to account?
The Inquirer editorial pays lip service to the proposal: "No doubt, the voucher proposal is well-intentioned. It is designed to help mainly poor students who are stuck in lousy schools. The measure would give state-funded vouchers to low-income students in Pennsylvania's 144 lowest-performing schools. The scholarship would equal the amount the state pays a district to educate a child." The next paragraph identifies the dealbreaker: "Most of the eligible schools are in Philadelphia. The district could lose up to $40 million in the first year if a small fraction of the 55,000 eligible students leave." Obviously, the putative damage to the district trumps the damage suffered by the kids.
Next, the editorial tell us: "By the third year, the bill would allow any student in a private or parochial school who meets the income requirements to get a voucher." It then asks: "How does that help students escape bad public schools?" That's not only a fair question, but one that can be put to an empirical test. Presumably, the new arrangement would accomplish via market forces exactly what the Inquirer's editorial writers are suggesting: attach real consequences to accountability, "even closing the worst schools."
What sticks in my craw is not so much the paper's opposition to a school choice bill containing possible flaws, as its refusal to countenance anything other than more of the same, its lack of willingness to subject its assumptions to empirical tests through limited experimentation accompanied by rigorous evaluation, and its apparent validation of the observation that the best is the enemy of the better. Fiscal and academic accountability are important issues to be addressed in any responsible piece of legislation. But how can such exhortations be taken seriously when they come from those who can offer no course of action other than pouring more money into the same failing schools?
Ron Reynolds |
Publication Note
The next edition of the CAPSO Midweek E-Mailer will be published on March 23, 2011.
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