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Dear Friends and Colleagues:
The Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID) and the Georgetown University Democracy and Governance program, are pleased to send you a detailed report on the CSID 13th Annual Conference, which was held in Washington DC, on Thursday, May 3, 2012. LINKS TO VIDEOS of each panel are attached below.Democracy in the Arab World:
The Arab Spring:
Getting It Right |
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CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF ISLAM AND DEMOCRACY
13th Annual Conference
The Arab Spring:
Getting It Right
Thursday, May 3, 2012
Marriott Gateway Crystal City
1700 Jefferson Davis Highway
Arlington, Virginia 22202 USA
Introduction:
 Post-Arab spring political change and democratization, in the past year and a half, have been as beautiful and inspiring as they have been difficult and challenging. The destruction of an authoritarian regime, as daunting a task as it may seem, is always easier than the construction of a lasting democratic system, and we have seen this evidenced in the transitions in Tunisia and Egypt and their reverberations throughout the region. To shed light on the challenges of democratization in the Middle East and North Africa, and to highlight areas for progress and democratic consolidation, CSID organized its 13th Annual Conference on Thursday, May 3, 2012, in the Crystal Gateway Marriott in Arlington, Virginia.
The conference took place a year after the eruption of popular uprisings, commonly known as the Arab Spring, and was designed as a summit for activists, researchers, academics, and leaders of political and civil society - from the United States and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The guiding question of this conference was simple: what can be done to help democracy succeed in the Middle East and North Africa? With more than the usual number of speakers we could accommodate at an annual conference, CSID hoped to provide the greatest possible range and diversity of opinions, and to contribute to a stimulating and pragmatic political discourse that will shape official state policies. The Conference was co-sponsored by the Georgetown University Democracy and Governance program.
Dr. Radwan Masmoudi and Dr. Tamara Sonn, President and Conference Program Chair of CSID respectively, opened the conference, inviting the speakers and attendees alike to engage actively with the topics to be discussed, bearing in mind the incredible progress that has already been made.
Panel I - Getting it Right I:
Elements of Successful Democratic Transitions
 click here to view video of this panel
 Dr. Daniel Brumberg, Senior Adviser at the USIP and associate professor at Georgetown University, moderated the conference's first panel, and began the conversation by defining the phrase, "Getting it Right." He said in order to lay the first tracks to progress, we must recognize that "any reform process is a systemic process," that must be addressed as such. "Bringing down a regime may be a victory that doesn't bring victories," warned Brumberg, if special and meticulous attention are not paid to instituting systemic reforms across a wide spectrum of political and social life in the post-revolution countries of the Arab World. Along with this is building political consensus, he said, which is an invaluable and necessary part of democratic consolidation.
Jason Gluck, Director of USIP's Constitution-Making Program, started by introducing his research on the process of reforming or re-writing a nation's Constitution. In focusing his remarks on Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, Gluck said that "these countries... are experiencing challenges in negotiating and drafting new Constitutions because they missed the crucial first step of asking themselves, Why?" This primordial question, suggested Gluck, is important because it serves as a framework for establishing consensus on the core principles that unite the various political factions in their goal to create a new political order. In Egypt, for instance, the question on whether it ought to be elections or constitutional reform that comes first, which according to Gluck is a gross misstep; this question of sequencing is one that cannot be addressed without first creating consensus on the fundamental principles which will guide the democratic process. The situation in Tunisia, he said, has been brighter, though the Constituent Assembly has been operating much more by simple majority than by consensus, even with the recent decision by al-Nahdha to not include Sharia in the new Constitution. Coupled with the impulse to rush through the transition process in Libya, Gluck warned against the desire to sprint past hurdles before careful consideration of how to involve the populace in the process of drafting the new Constitutions. Paying attention to this crucial point is what will remind policy-makers in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and elsewhere of the overarching principles that bring them together. Ultimately, "process matters," and the way in which countries negotiate their Constitutions can be more important than the rights enshrined in it.
 Prof. Alfred Stepan, renowned theorist on democratization and comparative studies and Profess of Government at Columbia University, has studied around 20 cases of democratic transition throughout the world and has recently focused on Tunisia and Egypt after the revolutions in 2011. In his address, he pointed to his definition of successful democratic transitions, which are constituted by four requirements: first, there must exist sufficient agreement on the procedures to elect a representative government and write a Constitution; second, that government must have been elected via a free and popular vote, and seen as such by major political players; third, the government must not have to share power with any unelected groups or individuals (such as the military or religious leaders); and fourth, the government must have ultimate power in generating new policies. In Dr. Stepan's assessment, Tunisia is the first and so far only Arab country to have achieved each of these milestones, and has thus successfully completed its transition to democracy in just under one year. This, however, does not mean that the Tunisian democracy has been sufficiently consolidated, as much work is left to be done in the years to come.
Particular attention must be paid to Tunisia, asserts Stepan, for "if it fails, it will have a negative multiplier effect". It also contains key milestones in the years preceding the fall of Ben Ali that point to its present-day success. A unique and rigorous political history in Tunisia has allowed it to be the first Arab country to achieve this position, according to Stepan, a history which, since 2003, involves continuous meetings and agreements between nearly all of the country's major opposition forces. In these dialogues, political leaders did precisely what Jason Gluck stressed in his presentation, namely to come to a consensus on their goals and the principles that unite them in pursuit of that goal.
Embedded within this rich history of building consensus between opposition parties is the essence of Stepan's theory of "Twin Tolerations;" namely, that religious institutions must respect the democratic process and democratic leaders and institutions must respect and provide sufficient space for religious leaders and people to engage in political and civic life. In the history of the 20 transitions that Stepan has studied, these continued meetings between the opposition parties is "one of the great achievements," and will give Tunisians "cultural and political capital to get over some of the worst obstacles and challenges."
Mr. Laith Kubba, Program Director for the MENA region at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), sought to ground his multi-dimensional address by reminding the audience of the incredibly trying yet promising few years which the MENA region has seen. Kubba cast the spotlight on four countries - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen - as those countries which have shown political change since the Arab Spring/Awakening began in early 2011, though they are each subject to very different and particular histories and contexts. In Tunisia and Libya, "there is a real change in power structures, society is free, and... this is shaping the state and the politics of the country," which unfortunately cannot be said about Egypt and Yemen, where the sources of power remain intact and will thus make a democratic transition much more difficult. In more general terms, Mr. Kubba approached the conference theme of "Getting It Right" by distinguishing between various actors, whether internal or external to the country in question.
To better assess the progress toward democratization in any country, Kubba suggested looking at several indicators or pointers, such as the status of the military, the security apparatus, the economies - which, in Kubba's own perspective, is of particular importance given the pains of watching the wealth of his native Iraq squandered by the same mafias that supported old tyrants - the structures of governance, and the cultural formations. With respect to indicators in the structures of governance, Kubba pointed to local politics as being important factors in the creation of a new national consciousness and political vibrance that must coexist with progress at the central, or national, level. "All these nations, ultimately, have to be led by a new elite, be it by a more enabled youth generation in political parties or in social institutions," and this is a reality that can be arrived at by the creation and fostering of strong, independent think-tank organizations.
Panel II -
The Arab Spring: Regional and Global Impacts
 click here to view video of this panel
Professor Richard Martin, Emory University, moderated this panel, and Radwan Ziadeh, of the Syrian National Council and Visiting Scholar at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, spoke about the centrality of Syria to the region which he suggests is the cause of the present turmoil and brutal violence that is plaguing its uprising. Syrians, said Ziadeh, began at first comparing themselves to Tunisians with their peaceful and popular uprising, then compared themselves to Yemenis when Assad's forces began to exact violence against civilians, but when violence continued and grew, Syrians compared themselves to Libyans. Now that no international troops or support has intervened to protect civilians from state violence, Syrians realized that "we are not Tunisia, we are not Egypt, we are not Yemen, we are not Libya, we now compare ourselves to Bosnia," given the almost exclusively one-sided violence taking place. In Ziadeh's opinion, there are four critical points that underline the similarities between the 1990s crisis in Bosnia and current the situation in Syria, which are the positions of the international community, the decreasing support for the Syrian Opposition Council and the increase in support for military defectors, the types of killing and violence being used, and politicians carrying over from the Clinton to the Obama Administration.
Over 15,000 civilians have been killed so far, with over 30,000 political prisoners still in detention, numbers that rival the early crisis in Bosnia, and numbers that ought to be unacceptable to the international community, though the Security Council of the United Nations has unfortunately proven to be useless in preventing the escalation of violence due to the competing interests of its permanent member states, namely Russia and China. Without counting on this international body, therefore, the target of the Syrian Opposition Council right now is "to establish a safe zone between the Syrian and Turkish border," thereby providing some relief, however minimal, to displaced and under-served civilians.
Brian Grim, of the Pew Research Center, presented findings from the "Rising Restrictions on Religion" Report which looks to both changes in political society as well civil society in mounting restrictions on freedom of religion and religious expression around the world. One of the particular vantage points of the study is that it looks at both national and local policies that restrict religion, as "many restrictions... happen locally and not from the central government, which many times has loose control over some of the situations in the country." Interestingly, about a third of the world lives in countries in which restrictions on religion grew substantially between 2006 and 2009, and when focusing in on the MENA region, this includes restrictions and harassment felt by members of the majority religion - Islam - as well as by members of minority religious groups, such as Christians or Jews.
In the years leading up to the Arab Spring/Awakening, Grim showed that high levels of social hostility were decreasing and coincided with growing government restrictions on religion, noting factors for solidarity that allowed the revolutions to be so successful. Similarly, Grim reported that 75% of the countries in the MENA region used violent force to control religious groups. In an effort to explore the reasons for such shocking statistics, Grim discussed three potential causes: the lack of religious protections in national Constitutions or Constitutions with inherent contradictions embedded within them, blasphemy, apostasy, and anti-defamation laws, and the relationship between government restrictions on religious and general social hostilities involved in religion.
Grim urged the delegation from the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly present at the conference, and all other politicians in MENA who are reforming or re-writing national Constitutions, to put constitutional protections of all religions and religious groups on the top of their agendas.
 Carol Murphy, Public Policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center, presented on the viewpoint of Gulf States, primarily that of Saudi Arabia, on the Arab spring/Awakening and the emerging political order. Murphy described a very hesitant position of the Saudis, being surrounded by countries - Bahrain and Syria - that are very much still in the middle of upheaval and state violence, and the emergence of many forms of political Islam that are almost all displeasing to its particular sensibilities, including the Salafist party "Al-Noor" in Egypt. "Now it is sometimes said that Riyadh is leading a counter-revoution to the Arab Awakening... I don't see that," said Murphy. "I would say that it is much more accurate to describe Saudi Arabia as aiding or trying to manage the Arab Awakening."
She explained that Saudi Arabia is much more subscribed to a mind-frame that is attempting to keep the effects of the Arab Awakening as far as possible from the Gulf, taking a surprisingly active approach. To this, she cited its military intervention in Bahrain and its coordination in rallying Arab League support for the NATO intervention in Libya. At the same time, it appears that Saudi Arabia is trying to synchronize the mentalities and policies of the Gulf states and create a unified front, and may even look into a "union between Saudi Arabia and Bahrain as the first step" in creating an official federation of the Gulf states. The Arab revolutions are not the only cause for these new Saudi policies, however; Murphy explained that Saudi Arabia also seems quite aware of "the diminished capacity of the United States to influence events in the region," which she suggested it has been compensating for with increased arms purchases and the talk of a federation amongst the Gulf states. In addition to these foreign policy-oriented changes, Murphy suggested that there are very rigorous debates internally that have predated the Arab Awakening and which continue on various social media sites. "The society there is still very, very conservative," however, and it is really only a small slice of elites - both secularists and Islamists - who have been stimulated by the eruption of excitement and momentum brought about by the Arab Awakening.
Aylin Unver Noi, Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences at Gedik University in Turkey, was the final speaker on this panel, and focused her address on the position of Turkey within the changing landscape of the Arab Spring, particularly in conversation with its changing relations with different countries in the region. Noi explained that in over the past few decades, Turkey has been focusing on improving and normalizing its relations with its most immediate neighbors, being Syria, Iran, and Iraq, and has committed to better relations by removing visa requirements and establishing free trade areas with its neighbors in MENA. Since the Arab revolutions began, however, Turkey has been inconsistent in its reactions to each country's movements, showing support and expressing solidarity with the popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria, but showing much more reluctance with respect to Libya and Yemen. With these most recent developments, it appears that the dichotomy of two regional alignments - led by Saudi Arabia on one hand and Iran on the other - is having to make room for one more alignment, or axis, this time led by Turkey, which is very clearly attempting to establish itself as a regional power. More importantly, Noi described very profound forces emerging as competing causes for the reorganization of MENA across the different alignments, forces she identified as "Sunni resistance camps," "Pro-Palestinian camps," "Western-centric economic models," and others.
Luncheon Panel - Future Prospects for Islam & Democracy After the Arab Spring
 click here to view video of this panel
Radwan Masmoudi, President of CSID, the moderator of the luncheon, introduced and welcomed the panel of four elected members of the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly as the freely-elected representatives of the Tunisian people. Tasked with drafting the nation's new Constitution and representing various parties and committees within the NCA, the delegates shed light on the progress being made and the plans moving ahead.
Meherzia Laabidi, Vice President of the Tunisian NCA, began the discussion by remarking upon the unique history of Tunisia as a "country of exception; it's an exceptional country." With specific reference to the role of religion in Tunisian society, Laabidi explained that Islam arrived in Tunisia not by military armies, "but armies of scholars." This unique history has framed the cultural, thereby the political, history of the country, which began on the basis of innovation and high learning. With regards to the status of women and equal protection of all religions under the law, Laabidi called attention to two cases - the Kairouan marriage contract of roughly ten centuries ago, and Ahmed ibn al-Dhiaf's article on equal protection for all people of the early 19th century - that epitomize the course of Tunisian history as one of incredible progress and equality. Laabidi drew upon these and numerous other examples to say that Tunisians today are inheritors of these efforts and traditions," and must live up to their own remarkable heritage in paving the road for Arab democratic efforts elsewhere. These Tunisian scholars and landmark legislative pieces set the framework for the present pacts united under respect for human rights, respect for the Arab-Islamic identity, respect for religious freedom, and respect for women's rights. What all of this means, said Laabidi, is that "we are starting to draft our new Constitution while having all this heritage with us."
Mouldi Riahi, Head of the Ettakatol party bloc in the Tunisian NCA, followed Mrs. Laabidi in hopes of emphasizing key purposes of the tri-partite coalition government. Riahi explained that the desire to create and sustain this coalition stem from those who had long served as the true opposition to the authoritarian rule of the Ben Ali regime, and who were united under common principles and aspirations of basic democratic ideals. Regrettably, Riahi noted the present-day coalition and opposition within the Tunisian NCA, in spite of the desire to create a consensus and work in a spirit of national unity, rather than partisanship. "We promised the Tunisian people to strive to complete this transitory period of our budding democracy in a year or a year and a half, at the latest," said Riahi. Moving forward in building a broad and genuine political consensus and working to construct a constitution of which all Tunisians can be proud, all the coalition parties embarked from a shared platform that covers areas such as "how we view democracy, the Constituent bodies, the separation of powers, relations between the different branches, checks and balances between the different branches, and the unchanged rights enshrined in the Personal Status Code." These core beliefs are what bind the coalition parties together, said Riahi, and will most certainly serve as the basis for the creation of a new democratic order.
 Zied Daoulatli, Executive Committee Member of the al-Nahdha party and Member of the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly, began by expressing a deep happiness in the opportunity of being present at the conference, particularly in that it is only because of the regime change in Tunisia. Having spent 16 years in prison, 12 of which in solitary confinement, Daoulatli vowed that neither his party nor the Assembly he represents will ever allow such a dictatorship to rise again. With deep respect and appreciation for the support of friends around the world, particularly the United States, Daoulatli stated that Tunisia is in dire want and need of such strategic relationships as it rebuilds itself. In 1981, when al-Nahdha was established as a movement and force in politics, its president Rached Ghannouchi addressed questions on al-Nahdha's willingness to accept defeat in possible elections by stating that it would accept and respect the will of the people and will always subject itself to the democratic process; this is something that characterized the essence of his party, said Daoulatli, as al-Nahdha was the first Islamist party to express its belief in pluralism, democracy, and respect for human rights. The major objectives for al-Nahdha in this phase of Tunisia's history are a general amnesty and transitional justice, and this will continue to guide al-Nahdha's approach to consensus building and charting a new course of Tunisian politics.
Badreddine Abdelkafi, Member of the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly and Deputy President charged with relations with civil society, drew upon his personal history as a youth activist, calling for the respect for all Tunisian's rights as equals under the law. The main question being posed in Tunisia today is in regards to the timeframe for the writing of the Constitution, but Abdelkafi believes a more important question relates to the nature of its writing, "how will the Constitution be written." It is clear that relations with civil society must be strengthened, and soon, particularly with regards to writing a constitution that represents all the citizens, within political and civil society. "A minority in Tunisia believes that the collective will of civil society should overturn decisions of the elected and legitimate body [of the National Constituent Assembly]," but this is not desirable; rather, Abdelkafi expresses his efforts to create strong relationships with civil society in order to best represent their diverse voices in the decision-making process of the NCA.
Panel 3 - Getting it Right II:
Islam and Democratic Transitions
click here to view video of this panel
Asma Afsaruddin, Chair of the Board of CSID and Professor at Indiana University, moderated this panel focusing on the multiple vantage points in which actors in the name of Islam have dealt with the multiple challenges of democratic transitions.
John Voll, Professor of Islamic History at Georgetown University, began his address by reminding the audience that as the realities of the Middle East are changing, "the terminologies and conceptualizations [used to describe the region] must also change," as they no longer fit the landscape. Citing Charles Tilly, Voll asserts that a "dramatic change in the repertoire, in the toolkit, of the mechanisms for oppositions" has taken place in MENA and continues to take shape. What this means, said Voll, is that civil society itself is in constant flux, bringing forth new leaders and new ways to engage in politicking. Through a series of photographs and paintings of various demonstrations throughout the centuries - 18th century France and the March on Washington in 1963 - Voll demonstrated that demonstrating and protesting has been reinvented in the 21st century, particularly by introducing tents, protestors occupying public spaces for days on end, and the general mentality of "blending political and civil society... that differs from the old-fashioned way." Furthermore, Voll pointed out that the new 'face' of contemporary movements are not as ideologically-charged as the olden faces of Ayatollah Khomeini or Gamal Abdel Nasser, but are more populist faces, including hip-hop artists who provided "the soundtracks of the revolutions," women as new and powerful actors, and tokenized activists. By way of powerful images, Voll asserts that "new debates need to recognize the new nature of how goals are articulated.. and the new political elite that includes women, and youth, as well as the 'old-guy' men."
 Jocelyn Cesari, Fellow at the National Defense University, sought to provide a more accurate description for the relationship between Islam and state institutions, past and present. She explained that, though the relationship is typically characterized as an opposition movement that uses Islam in its struggles against a secular state, research shows "that the nation-building process was already impinging and controlling and redefining Islam as part of state institution." Furthermore, 'political Islam', as it is most often understood, did not start with the Muslim Brotherhood, but rather began with the rise of the nation state, where institutions and social norms privileged certain conceptions of religion and religiosity over others. As demonstrated through multiple historical cases, such as in Tunisia and Turkey, Cesari explained that "the building of a national identity went hand in hand with the position of Islam as a central element," which was not the case in the pre-modern time of multinational empires. What all of this means, said Cesari, is that contemporary movements in MENA are the products of earlier phenomena; the current Tunisian National Constituent Assembly, for instance, in deciding to maintain Article 1 of its Constitution and the rule that the President of the Republic must be a Muslim, are acting within the confines of the institutions and norms that were in place from the time of Bourguiba, who was not himself an Islamist but who nevertheless infused religion with his state-building enterprise. Cesari maintained the imperative on concretizing and formalizing difference in the up-and-coming national Constitutions, thereby creating new social schemes and spaces for simultaneous religious and political activities.
John Kurtz, Senior Technical Advisor for Research and Evaluation at Mercy Corps, presented research conducted by his organization on the impacts of increased civic engagement of youth in the MENA region, which will be used to inform the upcoming programs and initiatives that Mercy Corps will be conducting. The findings of the research show that, with greater civic engagement, youth will be able to achieve outcomes such as greater political voice from the local to national levels, greater social capital, and employability. The take-away conclusion from these findings is that through participation in local initiatives and engagement in local entrepreneurship projects, youth are better equipped and prepared to have a profound political voice, they are four times more likely to pursue innovative employment options, and can begin to create a toolkit of social capital that accompanies them as citizens in a new nation.
David Warren, doctoral candidate at the University of Manchester, provided a compelling look at the impacts and implications of prominent Islamic scholar Youssef al-Qaradawi on present-day debates in creating political systems that are equally respectful of Muslim and non-Muslim groups. Warren explained the ways in which al-Qaradawi conceived of the classic Islamic term 'ummah', which is traditionally explained as referring to a distinctly Muslim community; in his writings, al-Qardawi cited the early Islamic model from the city of Medina, wherein definitions of 'ummah' was based on "geography, where you live, and your bond to that place, not on your religion." Then, Warren explored al-Qaradawi's definition and use of the term 'Islamic', which very clearly referred not to something being "intrinsically Muslim or only for Muslims; rather, it could also mean something that might be Christian or secular, for example, that happens to conform to general principles defined in al-Qaradawi's understanding of Islam."
 Building upon al-Qaradawi's recent writing on the status of Muslims in the West and his surprisingly favorable portrayal of aspects of the philosophy of secularism, particularly its religious neutrality, as an acceptable concept, Warren posits al-Qaradawi as one of the most widely respected scholars, and one whose teachings can invariably have deep impacts on the reconfiguration of political and social systems in MENA today. Moreover, Yousef al-Qaradawi's frequent use of early Islamic examples as cases makes him "appear more authentic, and also more convincing to Salafists, who take a more literalist approach to the sources and legal legacy," thereby casting a much wider net for the impact of his writings and those of his likeminded scholars. Speaking from a position that is one step broader than the explicitly politicized debates of today, Warren provided insights into the rich discourses in the Islamic studies world that may well inform the nature of new constitutions and political structures.
Shadi Mokhtari, Assistant Professor at the School of International Service at American University, shed light on the most compelling and extraordinary new phenomena that have come to light since the beginning of 2011 and the Arab Spring/Awakening. Before the Arab Spring, Mokhtari mentioned two simultaneous, yet conflicting trends surrounding human rights discourses and paradigms, namely their "co-option, instrumentalization, and appropriations" as well as the rhetoric that human rights is a set of values imposed by the West and must therefore be rejected as 'other'. Mokhtari noted significant and vocal challenges to the co-option of human rights through various channels, among them "the rise of public contention around oppression," protest movements "invoking the framework of human rights" and defining it in positivist terms that build new norms by destabilizing the old ones, and in the "voice and agency" of MENA civil society actors and broader populations in forging human rights agendas domestically and in solidarity with fellow protestors elsewhere in the region. By protesting and challenging domestic regimes, Mokhtari noted how Arab Spring movements have also challenged international power structures in an unprecedented way. On a more macrocosmic level, Arab states, by way of the Arab League, have recently been invigorated and moved to action, a phenomena which Mokhtari said is an excellent and creative way to create "new openings for activism." These developments in the realm of human rights are not wholesale appropriations of existing paradigms, said Mokhtari, but are expanding human rights discourse with new elaborations and new meanings.
Panel 4 -
Challenges Faced by Specific Countries
Abdulwaheb Alkebsi, regional director for Middle East and Africa programs at the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), was the moderator of this panel, and began by providing an excellent overview of each of the panelist's backgrounds and introducing their intended topics.
 Dr. Anwar Haddam, President and a co-founder of the Movement for Liberty and Social Justice (MLJS), in Algeria, discussed the "cosmetic political reforms" that have been instituted in Algeria as a means of quelling popular uprisings before they can become a significant threat to the regime. "As the dictatorship is gone," said Haddam, "the system is really still there," and this is a persistent problem in Algeria which has made it extremely difficult for the wave of protests and demonstrations to take hold there. Speaking specifically about the planned Parliamentary elections on May 10, Haddam conveyed a general skepticism and overwhelming frustration that may lead to a boycott of those elections. To Haddam, the main problem in Algeria, and "the elephant in the room," is the civilian-military relationship, which has been the cause of past conflicts for the past 50 years as well as present challenges on the road to genuine reforms. Because of the expected mass boycott of the upcoming elections, Haddam says that Algeria could reach a dead-end, so a summit of Algerian opposition leaders in the coming few days hopes to reorganize and propose a comprehensive plan for democratic reforms that will be both appealing to the Algerian people and acceptable to the current military regime.
Marija Marovic, Founder of the Balkan Center for the Middle East, focused her address on the very hot topic in contemporary MENA debate, which is the best course of action to take in the realm of security sector reform, and she did so by using Egypt as a case study of problems and potential solutions. Due to the special privileges and status that militaries and other security sector actors in autocratic countries receive in the past, their position and role in political, social, and economic life post-revolution ought to be recognized as one of the primary and most destructive roadblocks to democratization, said Marovic. In the Egyptian context, the military is a major political actor and has been since the creation of the modern state. Over such a long span of time, the military has "participated in the executive branch, and [currently] they are the custodians of the transitional process," further enshrining their direct and overwhelming influence on Egyptian political life. Their blockade of true progress in Egyptian democratization is, according to Marovic, as much to do with the "political role they have played" as it does with "the huge stake they have in the economy of the country." To address the inherently conflictual relationship between militaries in power and popular pushes for civilian democratic rule, Marovic posited the theory of "first generation of reforms," which essentially argues the necessity "to embed a new balance of power between new political elites and the security sector in the legislative framework" that coincides with a "depoliticization of the security sector." Ultimately, Marovic calls upon civil societies in MENA to recognize true security sector reforms apart from and outside of the transitional period.
Seth Rau, researcher at the Institute for Global Leadership (IGL) at Tufts University, drew upon his research in Tunisia in the past year to discuss its struggling economy and the challenges it may inflict on the political process of democratization. Rau said that though there has been much talk about various initiatives to give the economy a boost, there has been very little follow-through. Though Tunisia has been doing relatively well in comparison to other Arab countries in which protests and uprisings have dominated the past year and a half, particularly when it comes to foreign companies and investments, the slow-moving political process is causing some concern. Another concern comes from the relationship between the political elites and the country's largest trade union, the UGTT. Due to stresses in this relationship, there have been many strikes and demonstrations that have stalled movement in and around Tunis. Understanding that this may take time, a government policy that can be enacted rather quickly, according to Rau, is making land purchasing and ownership laws more accessible in areas outside of the capital city. This "would encourage more foreign investors to invest in other parts of the country" where there are plenty of workers and natural resources. "The real problem in Tunisia right now," furthers Rau, "is in the nation's interior regions," which were overlooked under the Ben Ali regime and which are wildly underdeveloped in comparison to the capital city of Tunis as well as other cities on the coast. Rau sees the greatest potential for economic stimulation in the interior regions in the field of Information & Communication Technology (ICT) in large part due to the incredibly wide network of Internet connection throughout the country which makes ICT possible anywhere.
 Dr. Daniel Serwer, Professor and Researcher at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University, deviated from his paper topic for a moment to make comments in response to Radwan Ziadeh, of the Syrian National Council, who spoke earlier in the conference. While Ziadeh supports a U.S.-led military intervention immediately, citing Bosnia, Serwer pointed out that it took the United States 3 years to finally intervene in Bosnia; and while Ziadeh calls for the creation of a 'safe zone' along the Syrian border with Turkey, Serwer recalled that it was the failure of the safe zones in Bosnia that prompted U.S. military intervention, as safe zones actually provide an easy killing zone for the violent regime. Moreover, the reasons for the hesitant position of the United States toward Syria are plural, and all stem from its fear of spillover. "[The Americans] don't want to buy into a major nation-building effort" in Syria, particularly when it appears that Syrian expatriates are nowhere near an agreement on a plan for transition or what happens after a transition. In negotiating such an agreement, Serwer recommended thinking "from the long term backwards, not from now forwards," to ensure stability and best conscience through this process.
Concluding Session -
How can the U.S. and the International Community Support Arab Democracy?
click here to view video of this panel
Tony Sullivan, CSID Board Member, led this final panel of the Conference with good humor and pointed remarks. He welcomed and introduced each of the three speakers and set the stage for a stimulating conversation.
 Ambassador Mohamed Salah Tekaya, Ambassador of Tunisia to the United States of America, began his address by remembering the 12th Annual CSID Conference, which tried to capture and understand what had happened in Tunisia and Egypt, and assess prospects for the future. This year, Ambassador Tekaya says "now, in Tunisia, we can say that the prospects are bright for democracy," noting the incredible electoral and legislative achievements over the past year and a half. Tekaya expressed a deep pride in the fact that the Tunisian National Constituent Assembly was able to elect a President, Prime Minister, and President of the NCA each from a different political party, representing the diversity of political opinions in the country that nonetheless remain committed to the goal of true democratization. "Nine months after the revolution, Tunisia had moved from a tightly-controlled regime to a power-sharing regime," and this is already an incredible step in the right direction, said Tekaya.
Echoing the remarks of previous speakers, Tekaya noted the troubling economic situation which Tunisia currently faces, particularly when it comes to "high expectations following the revolution, especially among young Tunisian men and women" with regards to employment and economic opportunities. To this end, Tunisia must certainly work on building up its own capacity to address its domestic issues in an active and independent manner, said Tekaya, but Tunisia also relies "on its friends and partners to accompany its efforts and to contribute to its successful transition to democracy." Tekaya reiterated the importance that Tunisia succeed in its democratic transition to give its citizens the dignity and freedom for which they struggled so bravely, and in this Tunisia has also paved the way for the rest of the MENA region.
 Ambassador William Taylor, Special Coordinator for Middle East Transitions at the U.S. Department of State, stressed the admiration and support for the Tunisian experience that the United States government feels, which led Secretary of State Clinton to create a bureau in the State Department that works specifically on supporting the democratic transitions in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt. To provide the best possible overview, Ambassador Taylor gave concrete projects in which the U.S. is currently enacting, or looking to begin in the coming few weeks and months, especially in the fields of financial assistance in order to lend immediate and most useful support to address the short-term needs of the Tunisian government; the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), for instance, has executed a $100 million cash transfer to the Tunisian government to help shore up the budget concerns and interests of the Tunisian government. In the summer, Taylor said the United States will be unveiling plans for loan guarantees "in the neighborhood of $300 million, to enable the [Tunisian government] budget to be balanced." With respect to access to greater economic capital, Taylor explained that the United States plans on creating "an enterprise fund, a U.S.-government capitalized fund" that will be comprised entirely of private sector investors, both American and Tunisian, who will be able to make use of U.S.-government funds to support private enterprise throughout Tunisia. Taylor expressed the firm belief of the United States that it is in its best interest to help ensure the success of the democratic transitions in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt.
Carl Gershman, President of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), supported the remarks made by Ambassador Taylor that detailed U.S. plans to provide assistance to Tunisia, but also maintained that the true elements for success must come from within. Gershman said that one of the best investments NED has made has been in CSID, which is an organization that has been working tirelessly throughout the MENA region to advance a vision for democracy, "a vision which is now an accepted vision." Although there has been a wave of pessimism since the revolutions that is a direct result of the incredible difficulties that lie ahead, Gershman insists that we must realize that "the glass is half full, not half empty; we are at the threshold of a new period... and one shouldn't reach judgments too quickly."
What is critically important now, said Gershman, is for the transition to be supported by way of direct financial assistance such as the cash transfer mentioned by Ambassador Taylor. Tunisia is leading the way for MENA, he said, and it must succeed because "you need an Arab model for democracy" due to the widespread and unstoppable awakening that has happened on a grassroots level all around the region. Gershman emphasized the importance of a recent talk given by Rached Ghannouchi, President of the al-Nahdha party in Tunisia, in which he described the space that must be allowed for religion and politics to flourish independently, albeit influenced by one another. Furthermore, it is important for the United States to provide assistance to civil society in Egypt and Libya, and to hold all political actors everywhere to the rules of the democratic game. With respect to the dire situations in Syria and Bahrain, Gershman said it is of utmost importance to end the killing and address the rising sectarianism in both of those countries. Ultimately, said Gershman, the United States needs to realize, in distributing assistance, that there must be a long-term plan, that what is happening in the Middle East and North Africa is "a historical transformation that is going to take generations," and the United States and other allies must be prepared to support the process every step of the way.
Conclusions:
By the end of the day, after listening to, debating, and engaging with over 30 very compelling researchers, university professors, activists, and politicians, the nearly 150 conference attendees were ready for the final break. Although it had been a long and arduous day, it was also incredibly insightful, and struck precisely the right balance between theory and practice for which the conference Planning Committee had been aspiring. It was the goal of this conference to provide an accurate assessment of the political progress that has been made in post-revolution countries, to document the reactions of neighboring countries and other powers around the world, and to come up with realistic and accessible recommendations for better practice in the year ahead.
 There is indeed much work to be done, and each country needs to deal with its own set of challenges, but there are always ways for the international community to lend assistance along the way. The Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID), in its over 13 years of experience in promoting democracy in the Arab and Muslim World, has finally succeeded in at least convincing the MENA populations of the worth and value of democracy, and its compatibility with Islam and Islamic values, and for this we are incredible proud, Much work remains ahead, but there is also room for celebration at the remarkable strides that have already been made. Once the right amount of international financial and political assistance can be provided, giving the political arena ample space for reasoned and deliberate improvements, we can finally say that democracy has at last been secured in the Arab World, for the first time in history. Written by Mariem R. Masmoudi, CSID Intern and Member of the Conference Organizing Committee.P.S. 1: For more photos of the conference, please click here.
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