Eid Mubarak
Dear CSID Friends, Members, and Subscribers:
For the past 12 years, CSID has been at the forefront of two major struggles: supporting and encouraging freedom, human rights, and democracy in the Arab and Muslim Worlds, and educating the American people about Islam, Islamic cultures and civilizations, and Muslims. These two struggles have never been as critical as they are today, but CSID cannot succeed without your support.
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Sincerely,
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Déja Vu:
Waging Culture Wars on Women's Bodies
By Asma Afsaruddin | Chair, CSID Board of Directors
Asma Afsaruddin  | The recent
passage of the bill banning the burqa in the French Senate and the
heated discussion preceding it have brought into relief a time-honored
(masculine) practice of waging culture wars on the bodies of women. In
this case, the bodies are those of veiled Muslim women serving as
ideological sites for passionate French debates about national identity
and cultural authenticity.
For all the female emancipatory rhetoric which heavily cloaks (pun intended)
this piece of legislation, the paternalism of those who are agitating
for it is unmistakable. After all, it is mostly male French
legislators who are in the process of deciding, without the consent of
and consultation with the women involved, what is good for them. If,
as has been argued correctly in my opinion, no one has the right to
force women to wear the burqa, then to be consistent, it should
similarly be argued that no one has the right to force them to desist - both smack of unconscionable paternalism and condescension. In the
current highly-charged French atmosphere, the former is deemed
offensive, the latter not - even though both measures deny the women
themselves any agency and rob them of their voices, a situation that
these legislators are supposed to be against. French president
Sarkozy, of all people, has tied the ban to an attempt to protect "the
dignity of women" and prevent their "oppression."
 Sarkozy?
Recently he intervened on behalf of Roman Polanski wanted on charges of
statutory rape of a young girl in this country. The current French
first lady - Sarkozy's third wife - has bared her body in public for
commercial gain and hardly serves as a poster girl for the dignity of
women. It should therefore not come as a surprise if religious women
and feminists in general express disdain for sexually degrading
cultural norms and take the initiative to assert their personhood in
self-respectful, non-conformist ways. If a minority of Muslim women
signal their rejection of society's objectification of women's bodies
by choosing to cover themselves from head to foot, those of us of the
female persuasion who do not choose to dress this way may wonder at the
choice but feel impelled to support it.
Read full article |
French Senate passes ban on full veils
By ELAINE GANLEY | The Associated Press
 The French Senate on Tuesday overwhelmingly passed a bill banning the burqa-style Islamic veil on public streets and other places, a measure that affects less than 2,000 women but that has been widely seen as a symbolic defense of French values.
The Senate voted 246 to 1 in favor of the bill in a final step toward making the ban a law - though it now must pass muster with France's constitutional watchdog. The bill was overwhelmingly passed in July in the lower house, the National Assembly.
Muslim leaders concur that Islam does not require a woman to hide her face. However, they have voiced concerns that a law forbidding them to do so would stigmatize the French Muslim population, which at an estimated 5 million is the largest in western Europe. Numerous Muslim women who wear the face-covering veil have said they are being increasingly harassed in the streets.
Raphael Liogier, a sociology professor who heads the Observatory of the Religious in Aix-en-Provence, says that Muslims in France are already targeted by hate-mongers and the ban on face-covering veils "will officialize Islamophobia."
Ironically, instead of helping some women integrate, the measure may keep them cloistered in their homes to avoid exposing their faces in public.
"I won't go out. I'll send people to shop for me. I'll stay home, very simply," said Oum Al Khyr, who wears a "niqab" that hides all but the eyes.
"I'll spend my time praying," said the single woman "over age 45" who lives in Montreuil on Paris' eastern edge. "I'll exclude myself from society when I wanted to live in it."
Read Full Article |
Nine years after 9/11, let's stop playing into Bin Laden's hands
By Ted Koppel | The Washington Post
 The attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, succeeded far beyond anything Osama bin Laden could possibly have envisioned. This is not just because they resulted in nearly 3,000 deaths, nor only because they struck at the heart of American financial and military power. Those outcomes were only the bait; it would remain for the United States to spring the trap.
The goal of any organized terrorist attack is to goad a vastly more powerful enemy into an excessive response. And over the past nine years, the United States has blundered into the 9/11 snare with one overreaction after another. Bin Laden deserves to be the object of our hostility, national anguish and contempt, and he deserves to be taken seriously as a canny tactician. But much of what he has achieved we have done, and continue to do, to ourselves. Bin Laden does not deserve that we, even inadvertently, fulfill so many of his unimagined dreams.
But the insidious thing about terrorism is that there is no such thing as absolute security. Each incident provokes the contemplation of something worse to come. The Bush administration convinced itself that the minds that conspired to turn passenger jets into ballistic missiles might discover the means to arm such "missiles" with chemical, biological or nuclear payloads. This became the existential nightmare that led, in short order, to a progression of unsubstantiated assumptions: that Saddam Hussein had developed weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons; that there was a connection between the Iraqi leader and al-Qaeda.
Again, this dilemma is partly of our own making. America's war on terrorism is widely perceived throughout Pakistan as a war on Islam. A muscular Islamic fundamentalism is gaining ground there and threatening the stability of the government, upon which we depend to guarantee the security of those nuclear weapons. Since a robust U.S. military presence in Pakistan is untenable for the government in Islamabad, however, tens of thousands of U.S. troops are likely to remain parked next door in Afghanistan for some time.
Perhaps bin Laden foresaw some of these outcomes when he launched his 9/11 operation from Taliban-secured bases in Afghanistan. Since nations targeted by terrorist groups routinely abandon some of their cherished principles, he may also have foreseen something along the lines of Abu Ghraib, "black sites," extraordinary rendition and even the prison at Guantanamo Bay. But in these and many other developments, bin Laden needed our unwitting collaboration, and we have provided it -- more than $1 trillion spent on two wars, more than 5,000 of our troops killed, tens of thousands of Iraqis and Afghans dead. Our military is so overstretched that defense contracting -- for everything from interrogation to security to the gathering of intelligence -- is one of our few growth industries.
We have raced to Afghanistan and Iraq, and more recently to Yemen and Somalia; we have created a swollen national security apparatus; and we are so absorbed in our own fury and so oblivious to our enemy's intentions that we inflate the building of an Islamic center in Lower Manhattan into a national debate and watch, helpless, while a minister in Florida outrages even our friends in the Islamic world by threatening to burn copies of the Qur'an.
Could bin Laden, in his wildest imaginings, have hoped to provoke greater chaos? It is past time to reflect on what our enemy sought, and still seeks, to accomplish -- and how we have accommodated him.
Read Full Article Back to top |
If the 'Mosque' Isn't Built, This Is No Longer America
By Michael Moore | michaelmoore.com
 I am opposed to the building of the "mosque" two blocks from Ground Zero. I want it built on Ground Zero.
Why? Because I believe in an America that protects those who are the victims of hate and prejudice. I believe in an America that says you have the right to worship whatever God you have, wherever you want to worship. And I believe in an America that says to the world that we are a loving and generous people and if a bunch of murderers steal your religion from you and use it as their excuse to kill 3,000 souls, then I want to help you get your religion back. And I want to put it at the spot where it was stolen from you.
Let's face it, all religions have their wackos. Catholics have O'Reilly, Gingrich, Hannity and Clarence Thomas (in fact all five conservatives who dominate the Supreme Court are Catholic). Protestants have Pat Robertson and too many to list here. The Mormons have Glenn Beck. Jews have Crazy Eddie. But we don't judge whole religions on just the actions of their whackos. Unless they're Methodists.
Friends, we all have a responsibility NOW to make sure that Muslim community center gets built. Once again, 70% of the country (the same number that initially supported the Iraq War) is on the wrong side and want the "mosque" moved. Enormous pressure has been put on the Imam to stop his project. We have to turn this thing around. Are we going to let the bullies and thugs win another one? Aren't you fed up by now? When would be a good time to take our country back from the haters?
I say right now. Let's each of us make a statement by donating to the building of this community center! It's a nonprofit, tax-exempt organization and you can donate a dollar or ten dollars (or more) right now through a secure pay pal account by clicking here. I will personally match the first $10,000 raised (forward your PayPal receipt to webguy@michaelmoore.com). If each one of you reading this blog/email donated just a couple of dollars, that would give the center over $6 million, more than what Donald Trump has offered to buy the Imam out. C'mon everyone, let's pitch in and help those who are being debased for simply wanting to do something good. We could all make a huge statement of love on this solemn day.
I lost a co-worker on 9/11. I write this today in his memory.
Read full article |
Qur'ans for peace: what one person can do
By Rev. Wayne Lavender | The Common Ground News Service
 I am a man of faith. I have been a Christian pastor for 25 years in the United Methodist Church. It is out of this deep commitment to the principles of my faith that I feel I need to do something - anything - in response to the potential hate crime that will be perpetrated by a Christian church, the Dove World Outreach Center, in Gainesville, Florida, on 11 September 2010.
What can I do to confront such hatred and ignorance?
I believe that every action creates an equal and opposite reaction and that actions of hatred, intolerance and ignorance create an ever escalating cyclical pattern of more hatred, intolerance and ignorance. And so I have been searching for an alternative path, a response more in keeping with the love and grace embodied in the founder of my religion, Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace.
What symbolic act can I perform that can help undo the hate embodied in the burning of these Qur'ans and help foster peace and understanding across faith traditions?
Misinformation about Islam and cherry picking Qur'anic verses out of context has become a troubling trend in the United States. The Internet is being used to widely disseminate lies, half-truths and distortions that are insulting, hate-filled messages of anti-Muslim and anti-Islam propaganda. These must be countered with messages of the truth that will lead to peace with justice. Islamophobia can best be addressed through further knowledge and understanding of the Qur'an.
What can one person do? I would encourage you to purchase a Qur'an and present it as a gift to your church or place of worship. If we cannot increase tolerance within the United States and our world, I fear we are headed for a very violent future.
On 11 September 2010 in response to the burning of the Holy Qur'an, I - as a Christian pastor - will choose to sow seeds of love and tolerance by giving Qur'ans to local churches where they might not only be a symbolic gesture of peace and religious tolerance, but might also be read to better understand that, like Christianity, Islam is a complex, nuanced and dynamic faith with its roots in mercy, justice and peace.
What will you do?
Read Full Article Back to Top
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Egypt's Youth Build New Opposition Movement
By The Associated Press
 Inside a small apartment tucked away in a middle class Cairo neighborhood, a trainer teaches a dozen volunteers of a budding opposition movement the basics of political organization - communication, recruiting, gathering signatures.
The instructors draw inspiration from Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King and download books from American scholar Gene Sharp, whose tactics of civil disobedience influenced public uprisings against authoritarian regimes in Serbia, Ukraine, Georgia, Iran and elsewhere.
Over the past six months, about 15,000 of these volunteers have formed the kernel of a burgeoning youth opposition movement in Egypt who are pinning their hopes for leadership on Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel peace laureate and former chief of U.N.'s nuclear watchdog agency.
ElBaradei's return to his homeland Egypt in February infused opponents of President Hosni Mubarak's nearly three-decade rule with a new energy. They hoped that with his calls for democratic reform, he could compete for the presidency in the elections expected in fall 2011.
So ElBaradei's followers are trying something new: harnessing people power.
"We need an overarching dream to make us feel part of something," said 18-year-old Abdul-Rahman Salah, who was among volunteers receiving training in political organization. "People are starting to change."
Few groups in Egypt have ever managed to channel widespread popular dissatisfaction into a credible political challenge. Egypt's recognized opposition parties are paper facades, funded by the government with almost no popular base and only a few token parliament seats. The ruling party, which monopolizes power, operates by patronage and backroom deals.
Hampering the creation of any popular movement is a pervasive security apparatus that keeps close tabs on dissent, often disperses protests by force and co-opts party leaders.
Also, change is locked out by the political process. Rigging ensures ruling party victories in elections. No party can be created without government permission. Recognized parties can field candidates for president, but independents - like ElBaradei - can run only after an approval process that effectively gives the ruling party a veto.
People power has only really been used in Egypt with any success by the opposition Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, which is technically outlawed but possesses an extensive social services network and grassroots organization.
The Muslim Brotherhood is helping in the campaign, though it and ElBaradei's supporters may seem like strange bedfellows.
So far, the petition has collected 800,000 signatures, nearly 700,000 of them secured through the Brotherhood website, a sign of how its network dwarfs that of the nascent group in this country of nearly 80 million.
Coordinator Abdul-Rahman Youssef said keeping close to Egypt's most organized group has its benefits, especially when the demands are as fundamental as a free ballot box.
"No one faction can organize civil disobedience alone," he said.
Another 9,000 volunteers are to be trained or have applied to join the campaign of ElBaradei supporters. After operating mainly online, volunteers have started going door-to-door to gather signatures and reach out to people, following the ideas of Sharp.
Egypt's new movement has not implemented Sharp's more dramatic steps yet. But ElBaradei said he won't hesitate to call for civil disobedience if the government remains intransigent.
Read Full Article
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Turkey's Referendum: creating constitutional checks and balances
By Asli U. Bâli | Foreign Policy
 In recent months, commentators have given warning of creeping Islamization in Turkey's domestic and foreign policy. Descriptions of the new "swagger" in Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's approach to the Middle East are paired with allegations of an increasingly authoritarian style of government by the ruling AKP party. Many have seized upon this weekend's constitutional referendum in Turkey as evidence that the country's secular establishment has been displaced and Islamist forces are consolidating power. While the referendum followed a period of intense political polarization, this simplistic account of Islamist forces arrayed against embattled secularists is both wrong and dangerous.
The twenty-six constitutional amendments at issue in the referendum are difficult to criticize on substance. They include provisions that: empower civilian courts while reducing the jurisdiction of military courts; strengthen gender equality and protections for children, the elderly, veterans and the disabled; improve privacy rights and access to government records; expand collective bargaining rights; and remove immunities long afforded to those responsible for the 1980 military coup. The overwhelming effect of these provisions amounts to civilianizing the military coup-era constitution, strengthening individual freedoms and undertaking much-needed judicial reform. Unsurprisingly, then, the European Union gave its strong support to the amendment package and President Obama called to congratulate Prime Minister Erdogan on the outcome of the referendum.
The amendments in question increase the size of the Constitutional Court from 11 permanent and four alternate justices to 17 permanent justices. In addition, the democratically-elected parliament is accorded a role in the appointments procedure for the first time, enabling them to nominate candidates for three of the 17 seats on the expanded Court. With a parliamentary role in appointing fewer than 20 percent of the justices, this hardly amounts to court-packing even were the AKP guaranteed a durable parliamentary majority. Moreover, the transition to an expanded Court will occur by awarding the four current alternate justices -- chosen under the pre-amendment procedures favored by the opposition -- permanent seats. That leaves only two new seats to be filled on the expanded Court and they will be selected by the parliament from among nominations from the judiciary and bar associations. If there is to be court-packing by the government, evidently it will not be in the immediate aftermath of this referendum.
What, then, accounts for the politically poisonous atmosphere around the judicial reform provisions of the amendment package? The opposition's base concern is that the elected branches of government must be kept in check by unelected guardians of the Republic who safeguard the privileges of the Westernized elite.
Whatever the intentions harbored by members of the AKP or the opposition, the reforms represent another step in the direction of improved fundamental rights, judicial accountability and civilian control over government. While the test of some of these reforms will be in the implementation, there is much to celebrate for Turks as the thirtieth anniversary of the 1980 military coup ushers in a welcome set of amendments and confirms the ongoing commitment of the Turkish electorate to the path of political liberalization.
Read Full Paper
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When Islamism Is Liberal-Democratic
By Max Fisher | The Atlantic
 Turkish voters' overwhelming approval of a package of sweeping Constitutional reforms on Sunday has been marked as a victory for the country's staunchly Islamic ruling party. This watershed moment for the popularity and power of the religious party, a major defeat for the secular military rule that has made Turkey one of the closest U.S. allies in the Middle East, has understandably worried many Western observers. The U.S. has learned from decades in the Middle East to distrust what the New York Times and others describe as "Islamism" (the Times calls this vote a victory for "the Islamist-rooted government that continued the country's inexorable shift in power away from the secular Westernized elite that has governed modern Turkey for most of its history").
Islamism is a vague and imperfect term, but generally means the use of Islam in politics, ranging from Saudi Arabia's monarchy to Pakistan's sharia-seeking extremists to Turkey's democratically elected Justice and Development (AK) Party. However, conflating all such groups as scary-sounding "Islamists" misses the important point that not all Islamic governments are bad. In fact, Turkey's step away from secular rule comes in the form of Constitutional reforms that promote, more than anything else, liberal-democratic values. That's not a coincidence. Islamic rule and liberal democracy, far from mutually exclusive in the Middle East, can go hand-in-hand.
Though we in the West typically focus on the militant extremists, they are merely the fringe of political Islam. Middle Eastern Islamic political movements are, more than anything else, populist. They represent the interests of the working class, oppose authoritarian rule by elites, tend to be a bit nationalistic, and are in general not so different from the populist movements of the U.S. and elsewhere. As Turkey's Constitutional referendum demonstrates, they're also quite good at bolstering democratic institutions. These reforms will bar gender discrimination, improve privacy and civil liberty protections, reduce the special legal protections afforded to elites, and overhaul the judiciary. These changes will roll back much of the military rule that, though decidedly non-democratic, has made Turkey so reliably secular.
However, as Turkey proved this week, Islamic governments are not always a bad thing. They tend to be popular, which gives them wider support and the greater ability to reform. The more people they honestly represent, the less they will have to force their will and the more they can work with local institutions for a well-functioning society. And the alternative--a Middle Eastern government that forces secular rule on a largely religious population--often does the U.S., typically its greatest benefactor, more harm than good.
Modern Middle Eastern history is littered with secular authoritarian rulers, artifacts of the colonial Middle East, all despised and most violently deposed. Religious political movements developed as the grassroots alternative to secular military rulers. In Iran, whole swathes of the population--including many liberal reformers who were later sidelined in the process--came together to replace the Shah with the Islamic Republic. In Iraq, many of secular despot Saddam Hussein's greatest internal opponents were religious Shia groups. And now in Turkey, the population appears to support the Islamic party's push against the military's long-held influence.
Typically, we have sought to marginalize Islamist movements by supporting secular rulers. Clearly, those efforts haven't really worked. They saw us allied us with unpopular and abusively rules such as the Shah of Iran. They also strengthened the militant fringes of political Islam, as with the violent backlashes against top-down secularization attempts in Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.
Sunday's vote in Turkey is an example of the kind of bottom-up reforms that can bring lasting and positive change without inspiring a militant backlash. They also demonstrate to Turkey, to the Middle East, and to the world that Islam and democracy are not mutually exclusive. Far from it. Bringing Islam to the political sphere in a liberal, or liberalizing context, may do more than anything to bring liberal democracy to the Middle East. We might prefer that all governments be secular liberal democracies like our own. But if we must choose between an Islamic democracy or a secular autocracy, regional history suggests we should prefer the former every time.
Read Full Article
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IN MEMORY OF DR. FATHI OSMAN (1928-2010)
CSID wishes to express its great sadness and condolences to the family and friends of Dr. Fathi Osman, a founding board member of CSID (1999-2003) and a great scholar, thinker, and activist. Few people in the history of humanity can be regarded as scholars and gentlemen. Dr. Fathi Osman, who passed away last Saturday, September 11th, was one of those intellectual humanitarians. Dr. Osman walked tall not only because of his physical stature -- he was over 6 feet tall -- but also because of his compassionate outlook towards every human being.
A Man of Kindness
Dr. Fathi Osman  | Dr. Osman was a reformer in Islamic thought, and he was personally a refined man who admonished us when we were unkind to one another and who championed the humane treatment of animals. His kindness was so forceful, always asking about our family members and our health, even when he was suffering from an ailing heart and arthritic joints.
We all stand on his shoulders today because his capacity for love and compassion lifted a generation of Muslims from depression to inspiration, from confusion to clear thinking, from feeling the weight of the mundane or from the threat of injustice, to offering us that spark of enlightenment and hope so that we can continuously improve, feeling secure in our aspirations.
An Islamic Reformer
We only read about people like Jamal ul-din al-Afghaani and Muhammad Abdu, those who began the contemporary Islamic movements for reform. Dr. Osman, a man we knew, a man we talked to, gave us an idea of who those great Muslims were, for he taught us about their history and he lived their legacy.
Dr. Osman came from a tradition of Islamic thought that was grounded in producing good work. He steered Muslims in Egypt in the 1940s to remain on the straight path of justice. When Islamic movements lost their commitment to justice and a democratic process, he criticized them. He developed an understanding of human rights as an essential component of Islamic law (shariah). Sixty years ago, he had a vision that violent extremism was and would continue to be the most dangerous threat to Muslims. Every day, he is proven correct in his analysis. In London, as editor-in-chief of Arabia magazine, he produced the prototype of Islamic critical thinking.
Dr. Osman epitomized the remembrance of God with continuous reflection and deep analysis. The books he wrote and the lectures he delivered illustrated his strong belief in the connection between worship and thinking. To him, Ramadan was, among other things, the ultimate celebration of the human intellect and spirit, for only human beings can delay gratification by utilizing their gift of the mind from the Creator.
A Devotion to Humanity
Dr. Osman could have sat with philosophers in ivory towers and developed abstract thought. But his choice was to work with people to develop thinking among the Muslim masses. Even on his death bed, he asked repeatedly about the state of the Umma (community). That love for humanity was reflected in the diversity of his work: a collection of essays critiquing Islamic movements; books on Sharia, human rights and democracy; analyses of the permanent and circumstantial verses in the Quran; and probably his greatest work, Concepts of the Quran, which organizes verses into topics ranging from tawheed (oneness of God) to ibaadaat (acts of worship) to shariah (Islamic law). Through his writings, Dr. Osman taught us that one cannot believe in the oneness of God without believing in human equality.
Dr. Osman was not simply an intellectual nor was he just an activist. He was both. He was a thinking machine. He was a loving husband and father. He was our brother in Islam. He placed his trust in God, and he thanked the Almighty for endowing us with the ability to nourish the soul with rational thought. We thank God for giving us a model of balance between thought and action, between faith and reason, between analysis and compassion, and between the pursuit of justice and love for humanity.
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September 15, 2010World Movement for Democracy Statement on the International Day of Democracy
Let People Breathe the Air of Freedom!
Today, September 15, the World Movement for Democracy, its
Steering Committee, and its related networks-including the African
Democracy Forum, the International Women's Democracy Network, the Latin
America and Caribbean Network for Democracy, the World Forum for
Democratization in Asia, and the World Youth Movement for
Democracy-celebrate International Day of Democracy by re-committing
ourselves to the fundamental idea that "democracy is a universal value
based on the freely expressed will of people to determine their own
political, economic, social and cultural systems and their full
participation in all aspects of their lives," as stated in UN
Resolution 62/7 on 13 December 2007, which led to the creation of
International Day of Democracy.
The special meaning of this day was captured by a member of the
World Movement Steering Committee, who points out that, "democracy is
like oxygen. When it is there, you can breathe and you don't even
notice that you are breathing. But when democracy is absent, you feel
that you are suffocating and you then fully understand its
value." International Day of Democracy provides us with an opportunity
to notice our breathing and to acknowledge our colleagues' continuing
struggle to breathe the air of freedom-and their achievements.
On this special day, therefore, to appreciate the progress that we
have made and to address the challenges we face, the World Movement for
Democracy and its participants-individuals, organizations, and networks
the world over-remember those who have lost their lives in their
struggle for democracy and freedom, and commit ourselves to work for
democratic systems that deliver on their promises to secure the right
of the people to participate in their governments and that protect all
citizens' equal rights to life, liberty, and dignity.
We call on
governments and citizens around the world to support and adhere to the
international principles of democracy, so we can all breathe the air of
freedom.Read Full Statement
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ALLIANCE OF EGYPTIAN AMERICANS
FIFTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE
The Horizon for Peaceful Transition toward Democracy in Egypt
The Forthcoming Presidential Election - Challenges and Opportunities
The Alliance of Egyptian Americans "AEA" is a US based non-profit, non- governmental organization dedicated to empowering Egyptian Americans to promote true democracy, sustainable development, and social justice in Egypt. AEA is holding its annual conference Friday-Sunday, Sept 17-19, 2010 at the National 4-H Youth Conference Center in the Nation's Capitol.
The conference will focus on ways to open up the clogged political process and secure "free and fair" Presidential elections in Egypt. Participants will examine and identify ways to empower Egyptians to: change Article 76 of the Egyptian Constitution; restore Egyptian voter confidence in the forth-coming Egyptian Presidential election; examine the possibility of forming an independent election commission whereby all political parties are represented on equal footing in that Commission; and to insure "free and fair" election process. The conference proceedings will be conducted mostly in interactive formats (town hall meetings, round tables and workshops).
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Several noted Egyptian public figures have confirmed their participation in the AEA Conference, including: Dr. Sayed El Badawi, the Head of the Wafd Party with a delegation of Wafd members; Dr. Ayman Nour, former Presidential candidate; Dr. Usama El-Ghazali Harb, the Head of the Democratic Front Party; Mohammad Anwar Sadat, the Head of the Development and Reform Party (under construction); George Ishaaq; Samir Eleish, the Head of "My Vote is My Demand Organization"; Mohammad Nousair, Egyptian-American Friendship Association; Margaret Azir, Vice President of the Democratic Front Party; Sarah Mohammad Kamal and Mostafa El-Naggar, Youth of the Egyptian Change Movement; Ibrahim Issa, Chief Editor of AlDastour; Khaled Yousif, renown movie director; and others.
Dr. Mohamed El Baradie will address the Conference participants via video, as his schedule does not permit personal attendance.
For program updates & further information, please contact: Mr. Mahmoud ElShazly, President, AEA, maelshazly51@hotmail.com, Phone: (203) 329-2225
For media-related information, please contact:
English Media: Mokhtar Kamel mokhtarkamel@hotmail.com (703)-501-1398
Arabic Media: Sabry Elbaga, s.albaga@yahoo.com (323) 345-1586
Friday-Sunday, Sept 17-19, 2010
National 4-H Youth Conference Center,
7100 Connecticut Ave.,
Chevy Chase, Maryland 20816
For more details, please visit The Alliance of Egyptian Americans official website
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About CSID
By supporting CSID, you help to: - Create a better future for our children so they can have more opportunities for improving their lives and realizing their dreams.
- Educate and inform Americans about Islam's true values of tolerance, peace, and good will towards mankind, including peoples of other faiths.
- Improve U.S. relations with the Muslim world by supporting popular movements rather than oppressive tyrannies and corrupt regimes.
- Replace the feelings of hopelessness, despair, and anger in many parts of the Muslim world, especially among the youth, with a more positive and hopeful outlook for the future.
- Encourage young Muslim Americans, and Muslims everywhere, to participate in the political process and to reject calls for destructive violence and extremism.
- Build a network of Muslim democrats around the globe who can share knowledge and experience about how to build and strengthen democratic institutions and traditions in the Muslim countries.
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Please donate generously. Your contribution to CSID is both tax-deductible, and zakat-eligible. Your contribution will make a world of difference.
The Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy is a non-profit think tank, based in Washington DC - dedicated to promoting a better understanding of democracy in the Muslim world, and a better understanding of Islam in America. To achieve its objectives, the Center organizes meetings, conferences, and publishes several reports and periodicals. CSID engages Muslim groups, parties, and governments - both secularist and moderate Islamist - in public debates on how to reconcile Muslims' interpretation of Islam and democracy. CSID is committed to providing democracy education to ordinary citizens, civil society, religious and political leaders in the Muslim world, and has organized meetings, workshops, and conferences in over 25 countries, including Nigeria, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Iran, Algeria, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, etc.
"Today, more than ever, we in the United States of America and
beyond need to hear, understand, and promote the voices of reason,
moderation, and democracy among Muslims. The CSID is one of the most
articulate platforms serving this need. Through the CSID we can and
have been tackling the deficit of democracy, human rights, especially
women's rights in many Islamic societies. By supporting CSID we help
support dialogue and understanding, instead of clash, among
civilizations."
Nayereh Tohidi
Professor & Department Chair
Women's Studies, CSUN & UCLA
"There are few issues of greater concern to the future of the Muslim
world than the prospects for democracy. CSID has pioneered the
promotion of democracy at the practical level, and in this regard has
provided invaluable service through education and social activism."
Vali Nasr, Professor
Naval Postgraduate School
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