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Dear Friends and Colleagues:
The CSID Weekly E-mail Bulletin is sent once a week to 27,500 activists, scholars, experts, politicians, and religious leaders all over the world. Please forward it to all your friends, and ask them to subscribe. It is FREE, and it will keep them informed of major developments in the struggle for freedom, human rights, and democracy.
You can also choose whether you want to receive it in English, in Arabic, or both by clicking on the Update Profile link at the bottom of this page.We look forward to seeing all of you at the CSID's 11th Annual Conference in Washington DC, on April 28, 2010. For more information, please click here. |
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U.S.-Relations with the Muslim
World:
One Year After
Cairo
Wednesday, April
28, 2010
Ronald Reagan
Building Amphitheater
1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC, 20004 CONFERENCE PROGRAMPre-Registration Deadline: April 1stOnline Registration Offline RegistrationConfirmed Speakers:Tariq Ramadan Farah Pandith Rashad Hussain Reza Aslan
Anwar Ibrahim Nabila Hamza
Marc Lynch Emile Nakhleh
Brian Katulis
Daniel Brumberg
Mustapha Khalfi Abderrazak Makri
Salah Ali Abdulrahman
Ruhail Gharaibeh
Omar Ashour Steven Kull
Chloe Berwind-Dart
Kristin Lord
Satoshi Ikeuchi
Oliver Wilcox Chris Carneal
Halim Rane
Corinna Mullin
Moataz A. Fattah
Alaya Allani
Fethi Touzri
Laila Taraghi
Stephen Zunes
Lars Berger Eric Patterson 
Co-sponsored by:
The Muslim World
Initiative
United States
Institute of Peace
The Ali
Vural Ak Center for Islamic Studies
George Mason
UniversityThe Islamic Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization ISESCO
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CSID Train-the-Trainers Workshops in Jordan and Bahrain
CSID organized two new "Train-the-Trainers" Workshops in Jordan, on Jan. 29-31, and in Bahrain, on Feb. 4-5-6, 2010. The purpose of these workshop was to train 8-12 trainers in each country (for a total of 40 trainers in Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain) with our "Islam & Democracy - Towards an Effective Citizenship" training manuals and methodology. CSID will then encourage and support these trainers to organize follow-up training on their own. CSID will provide them with the manuals as well as some seed money to help support these workshops.
Participants in the 3-day train-the-trainers workshop in Amman, Jordan  | The four workshops held recently in Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan and Bahrain were very successful. The trainers were selected from different backgrounds and organizations in order to maximize the impact of this training. Over 70 applications (from the four countries, as well as Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Sudan) were received. CSID then worked with our local partners to review, evaluate, and select the best candidates for these training workshops. In the case of the Jordan workshop, we decided to invite two candidates from Sudan and two candidates from Yemen to attend the workshop, at their own expense, because they were very interested and eager to train others with these training methodologies.
CSID-IFID Workshop in Bahrain  | The workshops basically consisted of three days each: The first day consisted of some lessons on how to train others using the methods and exercises of the training manuals, while the other two days were reserved for the participants preparing and leading their own lesson plans and exercises (in groups of two). Each exercise took approximately one hour, followed by half an hour to evaluate the trainers and the exercise itself, in order to improve the skills of the trainers and learn from possible mistakes in the trainer's approach, methods, or ways of engaging the trainees. The training manual contains 6 chapters, and each chapter contains 10-12 exercises that people can do together using different strategies of group discussions, engagement, and debates. In most cases, the trainees are asked to take a certain position on a controversial political, economic, or social issue and develop the arguments for and against it. Sometimes, the trainees are asked to take a position that is opposite to their own convictions (such as asking Islamists to defend the ideas of secular democracy, and asking secular democrats to defend the ideas of Islamic democracy) in order to understand the opposing point of view and to appreciate that diversity and difference of opinions is normal and healthy, and must be protected. Democracy, above all else, is about respecting and protecting the rights of others to have a different opinion and solving political disagreements through peaceful means.
Participants discuss various exercices in the CSID ToT Workshop in Bahrain  | These workshops are extremely important as they help to build, strengthen, and propagate a "culture of democracy" in the Arab World, and also strengthen the conviction that there is no contradiction between Islam and democracy. They also make the ideas and principles of democracy and citizenship easily accessible to common citizens.
The 3-days training workshop discussed the successful training methods, exercises and tools, in addition to orientations on democracy as a concept and as a life style, as well as women's participation in parliament. The workshop was attended by 12 participants from different backgrounds (one Syrian, one Yemeni, and two from Sudan).
Day 1
Participants are trained in how to lead exeercices and workshops on Islam and democracy  | The training workshop began with an introduction about the trainers; Dr. Radwan Masmoudi, the president of CSID, Obaida Fares, the director of the Arab Foundation for Development and Citizenship (AFDC), and Samir Aljarrah, the director of Sawt Alqanon. Dr. Radwan introduced the book on which the workshop is based "Islam and Democracy" and the trainers' guide related to it.
The participants introduced themselves and their academic and practical backgrounds, their experiences in training and conducting workshops in addition to their expectations from the ToT. The concept of democracy was defined, then participants were divided into groups to work on the "democracy fruits" exercise.
The rules of successful exercise were explained and discussed, in addition to tips on how to guarantee participants' concentration in any training they might conduct, and the methods of implementing group exercises. Women's participation in parliament was then discussed in debate training, were the participants were divided into two groups; one that defends women quotas and the other against it, and then each group represented its arguments.
Day 2 The participants were divided into groups; with and against the Islamic or Secular democracy. Each group was asked to argue why they would want any of the two implementations of democracy. Later, they switched places and defended the other side's stand on the matter, thus, each could understand the other side's point of view. The participants worked in pairs to practice being trainers and work on a point taken from any chapter in the Islam and Democracy book. The groups used the exercises from the trainers' manual book and prepared and performed their lessons accordingly.
Day 3
Participants lead various hands-on training exercices on Islam & Democracy  | The groups continued presenting their exercises, discussing citizenship, protests, national reconciliation and the conditions of electors, using different exercises and training tools. Later, the trainer demonstrated the tips of an effective training like preparing the training hall, the material and hand outs, organizing the participations to involve all participants in the exercise. Certificates of participation were given to the participants.
These workshops were funded by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
New Issue of Democracy Watch (March 2010) Back to top
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Mr. Obama and Israel
New York Times Editorial | March 26, 2010
Occupied Jerusalem - Dome of the Rock mosque | After taking office last year, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel privately told many Americans and Europeans that he was committed to and capable of peacemaking, despite the hard-line positions that he had used to get elected for a second time. Trust me, he told them. We were skeptical when we first heard that, and we're even more skeptical now.
President Obama made pursuing a peace deal a priority and has been understandably furious at Israel's response. He correctly sees the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a factor in wider regional instability.
Palestinians are justifiably worried that these projects nibble away at the land available for their future state. The disputes with Israel have made Mr. Obama look weak and have given Palestinians and Arab leaders an excuse to walk away from the proximity talks (in which Mr. Obama's Middle East envoy, George Mitchell, would shuttle between Jerusalem and Ramallah) that Washington nurtured.
Mr. Obama was right to demand that Mr. Netanyahu repair the damage. Details of their deliberately low-key White House meeting (no photos, no press, not even a joint statement afterward) have not been revealed. We hope Israel is being pressed to at least temporarily halt building in East Jerusalem as a sign of good faith. Jerusalem's future must be decided in negotiations.
Many Israelis find Mr. Obama's willingness to challenge Israel unsettling. We find it refreshing that he has forced public debate on issues that must be debated publicly for a peace deal to happen.He must also press Palestinians and Arab leaders just as forcefully.
Questions from Israeli hard-liners and others about his commitment to Israel's security are misplaced. The question is whether Mr. Netanyahu is able or willing to lead his country to a peace deal. He grudgingly endorsed the two-state solution. Does he intend to get there?
Read full NYT editorial Back to top |
Egypt's Hero? Mohamed El Baradei and the Chance for Reform
By Steven A. Cook | Foreign Affairs Magazine
Mohamed Elbaradei | It has become clear that although it continues to try to cut ElBaradei down to size, the regime recognizes the difficulties of completely marginalizing him. In fact, Mubarak and his advisers may let ElBaradei agitate, organize, and even run for president. An ElBaradei candidacy could actually help the regime in one important way: without being totally disingenuous, Mubarak and others in government could use the existence of a credible presidential contender as a demonstration of Egypt's political reforms.
At the same time, an ElBaradei candidacy would put enormous strains on Egypt's historically fractious opposition, with the resulting splits playing into Mubarak's hands. Not to mention that Egypt's Interior Ministry is well versed in the dark arts of vote rigging -- though outright manipulation would be a more difficult endeavor if ElBaradei indeed proves to be a widely compelling candidate. The regime in Cairo needs to look no further than Tehran's June 2009 electoral debacle to understand the risks involved.
Egypt's close relationship with the United States has become a critical and negative factor in Egyptian politics. The opposition has used these ties to delegitimize the regime, while the government has engaged in its own displays of anti-Americanism to insulate itself from such charges. If ElBaradei actually has a reasonable chance of fostering political reform in Egypt, then U.S. policymakers would best serve his cause by not acting strongly. Somewhat paradoxically, ElBaradei's chilly relationship with the United States as IAEA chief only advances U.S. interests now.
It is not surprising that Mubarak cannot accurately read Egyptian society's political desires and hopes. He is elderly, isolated, and has been out of touch for some time. Contrary to his recent declaration, Egyptians are looking for a hero. And they no longer want the false heroics of a discredited line of military officers. Instead, many seem deeply attracted to a bespectacled lawyer who appears to have the courage of his convictions. The Elbaradei sensation may end up being little more than a minor diversion in the eventual ascension of Gamal Mubarak to his father's post, but it has revealed more than ever how thoroughly hollow and illegitimate the regime and its myths have become.
Read full article Back to Top
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U.S. keen to see Democracy supported by Development Obama administration committed to Arab world, diplomat says
by Duraid Al Baik | Gulf News
During a short visit to the region, Tamara Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), told Gulf News the U.S. is keen to see governments in the Arab world taking up democratic reform from within for the betterment of their peoples. "Wise governments embrace democracy because it is prerequisite for sustainable growth and economic advancement. It is a must for stable society which is badly needed in this part of the world," she said.
We need and we are ready to help the younger generation to pursue their dreams in a better world and better future, Dr. Wittes says.  | Dr. Wittes did not agree with the view that the administration of President Barack Obama is not enthusiastic about promoting democracy in the Middle East. On the contrary, she said, Washington's commitment to democratic ideals is based on an entrenched belief that democracy is a necessity for stability in the world.
"We believe in democracy as a human value and an essential need for mankind. We also believe that participation in decision-making process is essential for success. The US is not willing to impose democratic values in the Arab world, nor anywhere in the world. We need people to adopt the democratic participation in decision-making process the way that suits them and we are convinced that democracy can not live on its own. Economic and social development are prerequisites for sustainable democracy."
In his address to the Islamic world when he was in Cairo in June last year, Obama pledged that no system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other, but reiterated his government's commitment to governments that reflect the will of the people.
"I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: The ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are government; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice," he said.
Dr. Wittes said that no one should come to a conclusion that the US commitment towards democratic reforms has been lessened. We are talking with both governments and the organisations of social society in a number of middle eastern countries to encourage a common ground for democratic participation of people in these countries.
She said the U.S. is also aware that the youth in the region do not like any foreign power to impose change. "We need and we are ready to help the younger generation to pursue their dreams in a better world and better future," she said.
Read full article Back to top
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Globalist Bookshelf
Developing a Winning Strategy for the Middle East
By Vali Nasr | The Globalist
The rising business class in the Middle East does not stand against the West. These pragmatic businesspeople do not in general express hatred for the United States, although many are irked by both U.S. support for Israel and the continuing support of dictators that stand in their way. Neither do they, by and large, stand with the West. We should make no mistake in that regard. Their opinions are in tune with the mood in the Muslim world.
We have to face the fact that the new Middle East being reshaped by the rising middle class is going to be - at least in the short run - Islamic, conservative and all too often prudish and misogynist.
It is certainly not looking for advice or guidance from the West about which of its traditional values should be abandoned. But that does not mean that this middle class will not welcome reforms and that there is no desire among them to fight for more freedom and rights.
The provincial lower and rising middle classes have been strong proponents of the institution of Islamic law in Egypt, the wearing of headscarves in Turkey, Islamic education in Pakistan and Islamic finance in Dubai.
These developments may strike some as setbacks, as signs of the culture of the Middle East moving in the wrong direction. But we in the West do ourselves a grave disservice by focusing with such disdain on these expressions of devotion to Islam. There is little evidence that the growing conservatism of Muslim societies is a bar to fighting for freedom and prosperity - one need not look any farther than Turkey.
Those in the teeming lower classes - but also many among the rising middle class - especially will not be won over by a culture war. As long as those in the lower classes feel their core values are under assault by the West, they will continue to rally to their own hard-line culture warriors. If this happens, moderates will lose. We in the West do ourselves a grave disservice by focusing with such disdain on expressions of devotion to Islam.
The great transformation in the Middle East is just beginning, but let us not forget that all great transformations start small, and they are driven by trends that are little noticed before they gather full steam.
Read full article Back to top
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Turkey and Africa
Ottoman dreaming - The Turks have new ambitions for trade and influence in Africa
By KINSHASA AND YAOUNDE | The Economist
Flying the Turkish flag in Africa  | MBOMBO I. MOUBARAK, an Islamic cleric who runs Cameroon's Islamic humanitarian-assistance programme, has a dream. "Turkey must reclaim its mantle as leader of the Islamic world," he said on March 17th, as Abdullah Gul became the first Turkish president to visit Cameroon and Congo. Mr Moubarak believes that Turkey's brand of moderate Islam, which embraces Western-style democracy and the free market, offers a model for Africa's Muslims. He sees nothing sinister about the mosques, madrassas and schools built, restored or run by Sunni Turks across the continent.
Mr Gul's African expedition was more about finding new markets than new converts, which helps to explain the presence of some 140 Turkish businessmen in his entourage. The economic crisis has hit Turkey's trade with the rest of Europe. So the "Anatolian tigers"-small-and medium-sized entrepreneurs from Turkey's conservative heartland-are eyeing opportunities in Africa. And Africans are responding with enthusiasm. In Yaoundé your correspondent was approached in the loo of a five-star hotel by a Cameroonian lady saying "I want to sell timber to Turkey."
The Turks in turn want to sell Africans a range of finished goods, from washing powder to jeans. Turkish contractors are angling to build airports, housing and dams. Turkish Airlines now has regular flights to Addis Ababa, Dakar, Johannesburg, Lagos and Nairobi. Mehmet Buyukeksi, president of Turkey's exporters' association, says that Turkish exports to Africa have leapt from $1.5 billion in 2001 to over $10 billion in 2009. "We believe in the future of Africa," he declares.
Ebubekir Keskin, a 37-year-old Turkish businessman who settled in Douala, Cameroon, three years ago, swaps Turkish-made pasta for local timber. He says his business model is based on alliances with local Muslims. "Being Muslim helps big time, soon we will overtake the Italians," he boasts. His ambitions are bolstered by members of Turkey's largest Islamic fraternity, led by a moderate Muslim cleric, Fetullah Gulen, who lives in America. Gulenists now run 60 schools in 30 African countries. Staffed by locals and Turks alike, the schools are patronised by the offspring of elites lured by Western standards of education (if not mandatory Turkish-language classes).
One day Turkey would like political clout in Africa as well. Its decision to declare 2005 "the year of Africa" was linked to its ambitions for a seat on the UN Security Council. It duly got one, with all but one African country voting in its favour. It has opened or plans 12 new embassies in Africa. Young African diplomats are being trained in Ankara. Scholarships to Turkish universities were doled out during Mr. Gul's latest trip.
Read full article Back to top
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HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH - Repression of Former Political Prisoners in Tunisia
A Larger Prison
This 42-page report documents the range of repressive measures, many of them arbitrary, that Tunisian authorities impose on former prisoners. These include close monitoring and surveillance, denial of passports, threats to re-arrest some who speak out on human rights or politics, and restrictions on movement that are not delivered in writing to the affected person and the violation of which can lead to re-imprisonment.

SUMMAY
Tunisian authorities subject persons convicted of politically motivated offenses to a wide range of arbitrary restrictions following their release from prison. The scope of these restrictions leads them commonly to describe their post-release life as "a larger prison." The measures include constant police surveillance and harassment, oral orders from the police confining them to their home district, arbitrary deprivation of passports, sign-in requirements at police stations that disrupt daily life, and, reportedly, pressure on employers to refrain from hiring these ex-prisoners.
Ex-prisoners who object to these measures have few remedies. Several have sued the interior ministry for refusing them a passport in violation of Tunisian law. But even in cases where the court has ruled in the plaintiff's favor, the authorities have refused to implement the decision. And the courts have re-imprisoned men who traveled outside their districts even though the "confinement orders" they allegedly violated were never provided to them in writing.
Prevented from finding work and from traveling or relocating for a job, many ex-prisoners and their families are reduced to a life of poverty. On top of the poverty, some say that the constant police monitoring and questioning of their families and neighbors have turned them into social pariahs.
The overwhelming majority of persons convicted for politically motivated offenses in Tunisia are suspected Islamists. Since the 1990s Tunisia has also imprisoned a small number of leftists and other non-Islamist dissidents, along with human rights activists. Upon their release many of these have faced police surveillance and arbitrary deprival of their passports but on the whole, repression far lighter than that imposed on suspected Islamists. In the early through mid-1990s, most of Tunisia's political prisoners were men and women who were suspected of involvement in an-Nahdha (Renaissance), the popular Islamist movement that was not legally recognized but tolerated until the authorities banned and launched a major crackdown against it in 1990.
Download the Report Back to top
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Debating the War of Ideas
Featuring Asma Afsaruddin, Akbar Ahmed, Walid Phares, & Eric Patterson
April 12, 2010 5:00pm-6:30pm
Berkley Center, 3307 M Street NW, Suite 200 Event followed by a small reception in the same location
"Their
ideas are bankrupt," asserted President Obama to al Arabiyah in the
first media interview of his presidency. What ideas was he talking
about? Obama was referring to a war, or overlapping wars, of ideas:
moral claims, political philosophies, and historical interpretations
about the fundamental principles of human society, such as what does it
mean to be a citizen, how should society be structured, and how do we
balance the trade-offs inherent in Justice and Order? Debating the War
of Ideas is a new book that brings together competing voices from
across continents, religions, and political persuasions to present
their understanding of the ideational strife within the Muslim world
and/or between Islamic and Western traditions-the ideas that so many
around the globe believe are worth fighting, killing, and even dying
for. This event will include a panel discussion with chapter
contributors Asma Afsaruddin, Akbar Ahmed, Walid Phares, Eric
Patterson, and others. Asma Afsaruddin is the chair and Akbar Ahmed is a member of the board of directors of CSID.
RSVP required
For more information, please see the event website Back to top
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About CSID
By supporting CSID, you help to: - Create a better future for our children so they can have more opportunities for improving their lives and realizing their dreams.
- Educate and inform Americans about Islam's true values of tolerance, peace, and good will towards mankind, including peoples of other faiths.
- Improve U.S. relations with the Muslim world by supporting popular movements rather than oppressive tyrannies and corrupt regimes.
- Replace the feelings of hopelessness, despair, and anger in many parts of the Muslim world, especially among the youth, with a more positive and hopeful outlook for the future.
- Encourage young Muslim Americans, and Muslims everywhere, to participate in the political process and to reject calls for destructive violence and extremism.
- Build a network of Muslim democrats around the globe who can share knowledge and experience about how to build and strengthen democratic institutions and traditions in the Muslim countries.
Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy Membership/Donation Form 2010
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Please donate generously. Your contribution to CSID is both tax-deductible, and zakat-eligible. Your contribution will make a world of difference.
The Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy is a non-profit think tank, based in Washington DC - dedicated to promoting a better understanding of democracy in the Muslim world, and a better understanding of Islam in America. To achieve its objectives, the Center organizes meetings, conferences, and publishes several reports and periodicals. CSID engages Muslim groups, parties, and governments - both secularist and moderate Islamist - in public debates on how to reconcile Muslims' interpretation of Islam and democracy. CSID is committed to providing democracy education to ordinary citizens, civil society, religious and political leaders in the Muslim world, and has organized meetings, workshops, and conferences in over 25 countries, including Nigeria, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Iran, Algeria, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, etc.
"Today, more than ever, we in the United States of America and
beyond need to hear, understand, and promote the voices of reason,
moderation, and democracy among Muslims. The CSID is one of the most
articulate platforms serving this need. Through the CSID we can and
have been tackling the deficit of democracy, human rights, especially
women's rights in many Islamic societies. By supporting CSID we help
support dialogue and understanding, instead of clash, among
civilizations." Nayereh Tohidi Professor & Department Chair Women's Studies, CSUN & UCLA
"There are few issues of greater concern to the future of the Muslim
world than the prospects for democracy. CSID has pioneered the
promotion of democracy at the practical level, and in this regard has
provided invaluable service through education and social activism." Vali Nasr, Professor Naval Postgraduate School
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