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Commentary:
Sick man of the Middle East
By Fawaz A. Gerges | CNN
 If Mubarak and his close advisers really want to know how the American foreign policy establishment views their regime today, they should closely read the alarming and gloomy reports and analyses written by influential think-tanks, policy-journals, human rights organizations, media outlets, and hearings and testimonies by the United States House of Representatives committee on international relations.
Mubarak is portrayed as the sick man of the Middle East, and Egypt is seen as a country in decline. A near-consensus exists that the Arab world's most populous nation -- 82 million people -- is teetering on the brink of social precipice. These observers warn that if social and political conditions are not improved, Egypt could ultimately become a political liability rather than a strategic asset.
Despite being urged by human rights groups to seek guarantees from President Mubarak about making measurable progress in the fields of human rights and democracy, Obama did not publicly press his Egyptian counterpart to undertake political reforms.
Speaking following their White House meeting, Obama acknowledged that there "are some areas where we still have disagreements," presumably over political governance. Yet the American president neither mentioned what those disagreements are nor uttered the words "rule of law" and "human rights," in deference to his Egyptian guest.
In private, U.S. officials are terribly anxious about the potential for political and social instability in Egypt and the lack of mechanism for succession. They are deeply concerned that President Mubarak, a frail 81 years old and now in his 28th year in power, has repressed legitimate political dissent and turned Egypt, historically the cultural capital of the Arab world, into a weak and declining power plagued by chronic poverty, pervasive corruption and the rise of extremism.
The Mubarak regime should not lose sight of the fact that a country's worth and value stem from the strength of its open society and the individual freedoms enjoyed by its citizens. Western leaders, including Americans, respect governments viewed as legitimate and have disdain for illegitimate authority, even those of clients.
Full Article
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Islamists and the Grave Bell
By F. Gregory Gause III | The National Interest
 The idea of democracy as an answer, if not the answer, to America's problems in the Middle East is premised on this basic idea that Islamist political groups are declining in popularity. The problems that Islamists in power present for American policy are clear: they have not resigned themselves to accepting Israel as a permanent part of the Middle Eastern map and thus do not support the Arab-Israeli peace process; they reject the extent of American influence in the region as a whole and would not cooperate with either American defense plans or the "war on terrorism"; they most certainly would not be willing to host American military facilities. Our experience with the Islamist revolutionaries who took power in Iran in 1979 has not, to put it mildly, been encouraging. It was the victory of Islamists in the Iraqi and Palestinian elections that took the wind out of the sails of the Bush administration's democracy-promotion plans in 2005-06. So a revival of democracy promotion in Washington requires the underlying assumption that Islamists will not win Middle Eastern elections.
The Middle East authoritarians supported by these strong states also have little personal or political incentive to run the risks that real democratic reform would entail. With the fall of the Left globally in the 1980s, pro-American, right-wing authoritarians in Latin America and East Asia could open their political systems with little fear that their opponents, if they won elections, would completely reverse the course they set for their countries. The United States could encourage such openings without fear of disrupting its foreign-policy goals. This is not the case for American allies in the Arab world, where the Islamist opposition represents a real alternative to existing regimes and offers a distinctly different model of both domestic politics and foreign policy. The risks of reform for Arab leaders and their favored constituencies go beyond merely losing personal power. They include the possibility, if Islamists won free elections, of profound changes in the structure and direction of the political systems, the loss of the wealth that leaders and their allies have built up over decades, and perhaps even the loss of the leaders' lives. It would be hard to persuade any Arab leader that the risk of real political reform was worth taking.
THE OBAMA administration was right to avoid emotionally satisfying but pointless, if not counterproductive, rhetorical interventions in the Iranian events of June 2009. It should be equally poised in rejecting calls, based upon Iran and Lebanon and other recent regional events, to make democracy promotion a major pillar of American policy in the Middle East. Instead of pressuring authoritarian American allies who play important roles in Arab-Israeli and Persian Gulf issues to become democratic, it should have a limited-but-achievable democracy agenda. That agenda should focus on sustaining democratic experiments where they already exist and where they reinforce rather than challenge other American stakes in the Middle East. Such an approach would not put at risk core U.S. regional interests, would not open up the United States to the charge of hypocrisy in talking about democracy but rejecting it when the administration does not like the results, and would have a decent chance of achieving some limited-but-real aims.
Full Paper
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Islamists and the Future of Democracy in the Arab World
By John L. Esposito | The Huffington Post
 The continued detention in Egypt of Dr. Abdel Moneim Abou Fatouh, prominent professional, Muslim Brotherhood leader, and moderate voice for reform is a harsh reminder that despite widespread popular desire for broader political participation, basic freedoms and the rule of law, in Egypt and many parts of the Arab and Muslim worlds democracy and human rights are subordinated to the interests and whims of authoritarian regimes.
Islamist parties are an integral part of Muslim politics and societies and they are not going away. Since the late 20th century Islamically-oriented candidates and political parties in Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, Kuwait, Bahrain, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia have opted for reform through ballots, not bullets. They have successfully contested and won municipal and parliamentary seats, held cabinet positions, and served in senior positions such as prime minister of Turkey and Iraq and president of Indonesia. Elections since late 2001 in Pakistan, Turkey, Bahrain, and Morocco as well as in Palestine, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt have reinforced the continued saliency of Islam in Muslim politics in the 21st century.
A critical challenge today is to distinguish between mainstream and extremists groups, secular and religious, and to work with democratically-elected Islamists. US administrations and many European governments have often said that they distinguish between mainstream and extremist groups.
America and European governments that advocate self determination and democracy need to demonstrate by their statements and policies that they respect the right of any and all movements and political parties, religious as well as secular, to participate in the political process. Failure to respond to the subversion of the electoral process in Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Musharraf's Pakistan, the attempt "to manage" and determine the process of democratization in post-Saddam Iraq, and the refusal to recognize the democratically elected Hamas government in Gaza must be avoided if the West, and America in particular, is to avoid the charge that it operates on a clear double standard. Respect and support for the democratic process and human rights have to be seen as truly universal.
Full Paper |
Islamic Radicalism Slows Moroccan Reforms
By STEVEN ERLANGER and SOUAD MEKHENNET | The New York Times
 Under pressure from Islamic radicalism, King Mohammed VI has slowed the pace of change. Power remains concentrated in the monarchy; democracy seems more demonstrative than real. While insisting that the king is committed to deeper reforms, senior officials speak instead of keeping a proper balance between freedom and social cohesion. Many discuss the threat of extremism in neighboring Algeria.
In 2003, anyone with a long beard was likely to be arrested. Even now, nearly 1,000 prisoners considered to be Islamic radicals remain in Moroccan jails. Six Islamist politicians (and a reporter from the Hezbollah television station, Al Manar) were jailed recently, accused of complicity in a major terrorist plot. The case was full of irregularities and based mainly on circumstantial evidence, according to a defense lawyer, Abelaziz Nouaydi, and Human Rights Watch.
The crackdown has also damaged Morocco's human rights record. Muslim prisoners are treated roughly in jail, sometimes sodomized with bottles, said Abdel-Rahim Moutard, a former prisoner himself, his hands broken during interrogations. He runs Ennasir, a rights organization for prisoners. But when they emerge from prison, they get little help, even from the mosques or Ennasir.
The main Islamist party, the Party for Justice and Development, is effectively neutered, but officials want to ensure that it does not combine with the Socialists. So for recent elections for local authorities, the palace created the Authenticity and Modernity Party, run by Fouad Ali El Himma, 46, who as a youth had been chosen, like Mr. Mansouri and other boys from varied backgrounds, to study with the young king. Mr. Himma is also a former deputy interior minister.
Critics, however, see the king and his friends as a closed, anti-democratic "monarchy of pals." The king has concentrated much economic power in the palace, argues Aboubakr Jamai, former editor of Le Journal Hebdomadaire - becoming Morocco's chief banker, insurer and industrialist. Moves toward a more democratic system, with more power to the Parliament, or even a constitutional monarchy, are off the table, certainly for now.
The officials readily concede that poverty, illiteracy and corruption remain serious challenges. The king, they say, has made judicial reform a key goal.
Full Article |
Network of Democrats in the Arab World (NDAW)
Statement on Sentencing of Moderate Islamists in Morocco
 While the Network was waiting for the release of Mostafa el Moatasime, the secretary-general and member of the Civilized Alternative (al Badil al Hadari) party in order for him, as a Muslim Democrat, to continue his path of peaceful struggle based on the the constants of his homeland Morocco, the court of appeal in Sale sentenced him to 25 years in prison on 28/7/2009. This verdict shocked those who followed the development of this trial and those who know his political career. The verdict also shocked his friends among the Network members.
The Network acknowledges that it is inappropriate to comment on judicial rulings. However, the Network followed closely the trial proceedings and was surprised by requests presented in the case concerning calling defense and adverse witnesses concerning the illegality of statements extracted by force or torture. If these requests were taken into consideration in order to serve justice, the verdict would have been different.
In particular, the Network noticed that the suspects in this case belong to different political trends and its is difficult to prove the relationship, whether human or professional, between them. Consequently, the Network wonders why the leadership of a political party, with a considerable presence in the Moroccan political arena thanks to adopting the principles of democratic, Islamic and peaceful political activism ingrained in Moroccan traditions, has been dragged in a case related to terrorism, unless the matter concerns an attempt to dissolve this party, which would not be consistent with the major steps taken by Morocco on the path of democratic transition after what the so-called the "Years of Lead".
The Network hopes that legal loopholes in this case be closed and gray spots be highlighted in the appeal phase. The Network declares its solidarity with El-Moatasime and demands his release and the release of others being investigated in this case without any evidence.
The Network expresses its concern regarding the consequences of this trial on the image of Morocco, which has taken significant steps on the path of democratic political reform. The Network calls on all forces and voices of peaceful democratic reform to act in solidarity for the release of El Moatasime and his political companions.
Salah Jourchi, Coordinator
Network of Democrats in the Arab World
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Film Screening followed by Ramadan Iftaar Dinner at Georgetown University
Journey into America: The Challenge of Islam 
To uncover the new status of Muslims in America, Ambassador Akbar Ahmed set out with a team of researchers on a nine-month fieldwork journey across the United States, visiting over 75 cities and more than 100 mosques to interview thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims from all walks of life. This screening features stories and analyses from the project, and a chance to meet Dr. Ahmed and his team. The book Journey into America: The Challenge of Islam (Brookings Press, 2009) is forthcoming.
Tuesday, September 15
Film screening: 6:00 pm ICC Auditorium
Dinner and Discussion: 8:00 pm, McShane Lounge
Please RSVP to berkleycenter@georgetown.edu
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Network of Democrats in the Arab World (NDAW)
Job Opening: Executive Director
Organization: Network of Democrats in the Arab World (NDAW)
Closing date: Sept. 5, 2009
FULL-TIME position as Executive Director for the Network of Democrats in the Arab World (NDAW). NDAW seeks to empower young civil society activists, journalists, and bloggers, who advocate for democracy and Human Rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region.
The tasks of the Executive Manager include providing supervisory and management support to the Network, programs design and implementation, financial management, fundraising and public relations.
Candidates must have a bachelor's degree, and/or a Master's or law degree and minimum of 4 to 7 years experience in democracy building, human rights or legal reform work. Candidates must also have experience in managing non-governmental organizations and democracy programs as well as experience in research and writing on democracy building, human rights, and legal reform. Qualified candidates will also have experience supervising staff and multiple office functions and experience in one of more regions in the Middle East and North Africa. Fluency in both Arabic and English is required.
Applications will be accepted until the position is filled. Salary and benefits for this FULL-TIME position are commensurate with experience. Successful candidate must reside in one of the countries of the MENA region, and be willing to travel extensively throughout the region. Interested candidates must submit a cover letter, resume, and salary requirements. Please e-mail cover letter and resume mentioning the position applied for in the subject box by September 5th to: ndawmena@gmail.com
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International Conference on:
Rethinking Jihad:
Ideas, Politics and Conflict in the Arab World and Beyond
University of Edinburgh
7-9 September 2009
Organized by the Center for the Advanced Study of the Arab World (a collaboration between the Universities of Edinburgh, Durham and Manchester).
The conference will seek to improve our understanding of jihad and free the term from media sensationalism and stereotypes of violence and terrorism.
In addition to around 35 paper presentations, the conference will feature addresses from:
- Rached Ghannouchi
- Fred Halliday
- Carole Hillenbrand
- Sherman Jackson
- Rudolph Peters
- Tariq Ramadan
- Roxanne Varzi
- Sami Zubaida
- Asma Afsaruddin
- Abdelwahhab El-Affendi
- Kamal Helbawy
- Radwan Ziadeh
For the full program or to register for the conference, please click here.
Contacts:
Dr Ewan Stein (ewan.stein@ed.ac.uk)
Dr Elisabeth Kendall (elisabeth.kendall@ed.ac.uk)
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To become a member of CSID, please click here. To make a donation, please click here. Please remember that CSID needs your membership and support to continue its mission of promoting a greater understanding of Islam in the US, and a better understanding and implementation of democracy in the Muslim world. With our best wishes and regards,
Sincerely,
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Radwan A. Masmoudi
President
Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy |
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