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March 24, 2009
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In This Issue
A Stimulus Guide for Dummies
The Wealth Gap Gets Wider
First Lady Michelle Obama Reflects on Talking 'Like a White Girl'
Racial Disparities in Cancer Mortality Rates Between Blacks and Whites Quantified
How Can Green Make Themselves Less White?
A Round Ball Ruminator With a Prolix Penchant
A Stimulus Guide for Dummies
Curry Headshot

By George E. Curry 

NNPA Columnist

 
 

With dueling economists and back and forth between Democrats and Republicans over President Obama's economic recovery package, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities has provided us with a Stimulus Guide for Dummies. Actually, it's a report by Chad Stone, the center's chief economist, titled, "Attacks on Congressional Package Don't Withstand Scrutiny."

"The plan for the most part is well-designed to produce as much stimulus as possible as quickly as that can be done," the report states. "It includes fast-spending, high 'bang for the buck' items such as expansions in food stamps and unemployment insurance - provisions that a broad range of economists and CBO  [Congressional Budget Office] have rated as the most highly stimulative types of spending.  It also includes state fiscal relief, which is essential to moderate the depth of the budget cuts and tax increases that states otherwise will have to impose; such budget cuts and tax increases would withdraw demand from the economy and make the downturn deeper.  In addition, the package includes infrastructure investments, which are highly stimulative once projects are underway but sometimes require significant lead time.  Finally, the package includes tax cuts, some of which are targeted on low and moderate income households, making them more effective as stimulus, and some of which are less well-targeted and, according to CBO, likely to have far less of a stimulative effect."

Now you have an overview of the plan written in plain English, something hard to find these days in Washington. But there's more.

"Effective economic stimulus and recovery measures work by increasing the demand for goods and services at a time when there is insufficient existing demand to keep businesses operating at full capacity and to generate full employment.  Measures that increase demand stop the destruction of jobs and begin to put people back to work during times when business and consumer confidence is low and economic activity is spiraling downward."

House Republicans have been especially critical of President Obama's stimulus plan, saying it wastes money on social spending, a charge Chad Stone rejects.

"Some critics, for example, argue that spending on safety net programs like food stamps and unemployment insurance may be justified on humanitarian grounds but does not provide stimulus or create jobs in the way that reductions in, say, taxes for businesses would.  In fact, this argument is completely backward in a recession," he observes. "When the problem is that businesses have excess productive capacity and can't sell everything they can make, the way to reduce pressure on them to lay off workers and to give them a greater incentive to expand is to give their customers more money to spend.  When you increase benefits for unemployed workers or food stamp recipients, they spend the money quickly and the benefits spread through the economy." 

Of course, there is the complaint that a deeply indebted federal government cannot afford to send money to the states.

"Critics are similarly confused about fiscal relief measures for cash-strapped states.  Here, too, some critics have mistakenly charged that such measures are not stimulus and do not create jobs," Stone argues. "... In an economic downturn, states see their revenues fall off and their caseloads for social safety net programs like Medicaid increase.  Unlike the federal government, states have balanced budget requirements for their operating budgets.  As budget deficits begin to emerge, states must take actions to cut existing programs or raise new revenues."

"Those actions translate into layoffs of state workers, cancellation of contracts with vendors, and a diminished response to the hardship that beneficiaries of safety net programs experience.  Without help from the federal government, those state actions will reverberate through the economy, adding to the job losses and further weakening economic activity.  States currently face budget shortfalls projected at more than $350 billion over the next 2½ years, a stunning amount that, in the absence of federal relief, would translate into budget cuts and tax increases that would make the recession longer and deeper."

Republicans still propose additional tax cuts as a means of jumpstarting the economy. Again, Stone is not impressed.

 "A persistent argument heard in the stimulus debate is that tax cuts are more effective stimulus than government spending.  That is not the conclusion of mainstream macroeconomic theory or evidence," he notes. "... Tax cuts are most effective as stimulus when they are targeted on low- and moderate-income households that will likely spend a high proportion of the benefits.  Tax cuts are far less effective as stimulus when they go to high-income taxpayers who will likely save a large proportion of the tax benefits or, as discussed above, to businesses that will not likely spend the tax cuts on expansion when their sales are depressed and they are laying off workers."

Now that we  have raised are economics IQ, no one can play us for dummies.

 

  

George E. Curry, former editor-in-chief of Emerge magazine and the NNPA News Service, is a keynote speaker, moderator, and media coach. He can be reached through his Web site, www.georgecurry.com.  

 

 

The Wealth Gap Gets Wider
 
Money

 

 

 By Meizhu Lui

© Washington Post
March 23, 2009

 

The chips are in.

Every three years, the Federal Reserve, in its Survey of Consumer Finances, takes a look at how U.S. households are doing and reports on our assets and liabilities. The euphoria of our gambling spree is over. In the harsh glare of morning, the hangover is tough. And the latest data are from 2007, so they don't even capture the worst of the decline.

The net worth of the average American family is less than it was in 2001. We borrowed more for that trip to Vegas than we brought home. Everyone knows this now.

But here's something being talked about much less: The gap between the wealth of white Americans and African Americans has grown. According to the Fed, for every dollar of wealth held by the typical white family, the African American family has only one dime. In 2004, it had 12 cents.

This is not just a gap. It's a deepening canyon.

The overhyped political term "post-racial society" becomes patently absurd when looking at these economic numbers. This week, experts on asset building in communities of color are meeting with members of Congress to talk about closing the wealth gap. While the government is rescuing failing financial institutions as a short-term measure, those at the two-day Color of Wealth Policy Summit will make the case that the nation's long-term economic future depends on the inclusion of all Americans in opportunities to build wealth.

Why such a big gap? The biggest predictor of the future economic status of a child is the net worth of the child's parents. Even modest inheritances or gifts within a parent's lifetime -- such as paying for college or providing the down payment on a home -- can give a child a lift up the economic ladder. And historically, white families have enjoyed more government support and tax-paid subsidies for their asset-building activities.

Let's look at the rules of the game in homeownership, for example.

During the Depression, the Home Owners' Loan Corp. was formed to rescue families whose homes were in foreclosure. Not a single loan went to a family of color. The black section of Detroit was simply excluded. After World War II, GIs received government-subsidized home mortgages, but there was no oversight to ensure that soldiers of color got their fair share. Of the 67,000 mortgages issued under the GI Bill in New York and northern New Jersey, 66,900 went to white veterans, as documented in Ira Katznelson's "When Affirmative Action Was White."

Recently, there have been sins of omission and commission. White families are five times as likely as families of color to have a bank account and access to responsible loan terms. Because of the lack of federally insured and regulated financial institutions on reservations and in inner cities, rural areas, barrios and Chinatowns, payday lenders and other shady financial dealers operating without government oversight have preyed on people of color, fueling the economic and foreclosure crises. African Americans and other people of color were more than three times as likely as white borrowers to be steered to high-interest loans, even when they qualified for a prime loan. A Harvard University study showed that in Massachusetts, a high-income African American was more likely than a low-income white borrower to get a subprime loan. Such studies abound.

Additionally, rules in our tax code have strengthened the hand of those who already have assets. You can get a tax deduction for the interest paid on home mortgages of up to $1 million -- a nice break for those who hardly need one. But if you own a home and make too little to itemize, the mortgage interest deduction doesn't help you at all.

So what can we do? We need a Financial Product Safety Commission to act against discriminatory lending policies and to stop the marketing of dangerous loans such as exploding adjustable-rate mortgages. We also should cap the mortgage interest deduction and make it refundable so low-income homeowners can benefit. Mandating that new schools and transportation and commercial projects that are supported by federal dollars be located only in areas with racially inclusive zoning policies would also do much to create and grow neighborhoods of opportunity.

Building wealth is essential to the American promise of opportunity for economic mobility and security regardless of the accident of one's birth. In the 21st-century global marketplace, the diversity of our population is an asset -- if we play our cards right.

The chips on the table reflect the fact that the game was fixed. It's time to start an honest game with a new deck. All of our futures depend on it.


 
First Lady Michelle Obama Reflects on Talking 'Like a White Girl'
 
 Michelle Obama
 

 Michelle Obama Tells D.C. Students That Stereotypes Get in the Way

 

 

By David Wright

© Copyright © 2009 ABC News Internet Ventures

March 20, 20009


 First lady Michelle Obama visited one of the poorest neighborhoods in the nation's capital Thursday, hoping her example would help encourage struggling, young high school students.

It's the latest attempt by the first lady to use her bully pulpit to talk candidly with Americans, and she's sparking some compelling conversations.

Obama's remarks came as part of a career day she organized for Washington, D.C.-area students, featuring 20 other high-profile women who fanned out across the city to connect with kids. For her part, the first lady acknowledged that her childhood included struggles with language and racial identity.

And when one student asked her, "How did you get to where you are now?" she credited, in part, her command of the language.

"I remember there were kids around my [Chicago] neighborhood who would say, 'Ooh, you talk funny. You talk like a white girl.' I heard that growing up my whole life. I was like, 'I don't even know what that means but I am still getting my A.'"

Even now, Americans listen intently not just to what the Obamas say but how they say it: words, accents, even gestures.

"For many folks, Michelle Obama and Barack Obama, to a lesser extent, don't sound like as what they think of stereotypical black," said Mark Anthony Neal, a professor of African-American studies at Duke University in Durham, N.C. "And just like there might be whites invested in those stereotypes, there are obviously African-Americans invested in those also."

During the campaign, the Obamas were either "too black" or "not black enough," depending on the critic of the moment.

As for Barack Obama, he seems to know his audience. When a waiter at the black-owned Ben's Chili Bowl in Washington, D.C., tried to give him change for his order recently, the then-president-elect declined it, saying, "Naw, we straight."

The shorthand response was seen by many as a gesture to blacks.

But the Obamas have also been called out for sometimes not getting the tone quite right.

After Barack Obama's election, comedian Jamie Foxx spoke at the Lincoln Memorial and gently teased him for the way he speaks in formal occasions.

"This was the most incredible moment of my life, when our president-elect said to the American people..." Foxx said, before launching into his best impersonation of the president.

To Whom Does Obama Belong?

"Definitely a gentle ribbing," Duke's Neal said. "Telling him that you may now belong to the nation. But remember you still belong to us."

The Obamas are adept at using language to send a quiet message: that black America, excluded for so many years, now has a seat at the table.

But race is still tricky, even for them, and the trickiest part is going to be how to acknowledge racial differences in a way that doesn't reopen old wounds.

 

 


 


 
Racial Disparities in Cancer Mortality Rates Between Blacks and Whites Quantified
  
Cancer 2

 
 

© Science Daily

March 22, 2009

 

African Americans have a shorter life expectancy than whites, and cancer plays a major role in this disparity. African Americans are more prone to get cancer; they tend to present at a later, deadlier stage; and they have poorer survival rates after diagnosis.

But to what extent are each of these three factors responsible for the disparity in cancer mortality? A new UCLA study, published in Journal of General Internal Medicine Feb. 18, answers that question, finding that for most types of cancer, the disparity in mortality is almost entirely due to the fact that African Americans are more likely to get cancer in the first place. Their stage at presentation and survival after diagnosis play a much smaller role.

Overall, African American men live 1.47 fewer years than white men, and African American women 0.91 fewer years than white women, due to all cancers combined. The results spotlight the need for greater prevention efforts aimed at African Americans.

This is the first time that researchers have quantified the role that disparities in cancer incidence, stage at diagnosis and survival after cancer plays in African Americans' shorter life expectancy, according to lead author Dr. Mitchell D. Wong, associate professor of medicine in the division of general internal medicine and health services research at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA.

"Putting a number on it is very informative, because when you look at the figures, you see that the reason their mortality is worse is almost entirely due to the fact that blacks are more likely to get cancer," Wong said. "This highlights the importance of prevention - it's where most of the efforts should be."

A notable exception to this pattern was breast cancer. While white women are more likely to get breast cancer than African American women, the disparities between whites and blacks in stage at presentation and survival after diagnosis for breast cancer had a large impact on the racial gap in life expectancy.

"This argues for much more research and efforts to close the gap in breast cancer screening and treatment," Wong said.

The researchers analyzed data from the Surveillance and Epidemiology End Result (SEER) cancer registry and the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). Together, the data sets covered about 2.7 million white and 291,000 African American cancer patients from 12 geographic regions in the United States: San Francisco/Oakland, Connecticut, Detroit, Hawaii, Iowa, New Mexico, Seattle (Puget Sound), Utah, Atlanta, Alaska, San Jose/Monterey and Los Angeles.

Among the other findings:

  • Cancer incidence, stage at diagnosis and post-diagnosis survival accounted for 1.12, 0.17 and 0.21 years, respectively, in the life-expectancy disparity among men.
  • Among women, those categories accounted for 0.41, 0.26 and 0.31 years, respectively.
  • The difference in incidence of cancer had a greater impact on the racial gap in cancer mortality than did the stage at which the cancer was diagnosed.
  • The differences in post-diagnosis survival were significant with only two types of cancer: breast (0.14 years) and prostate (0.05 years).

"Continuing to improve cancer treatment and screening is undoubtedly important to improving life expectancy and quality of life for all adults, yet substantial disparities in cancer mortality will persist unless we can find ways to address the enormous impact of racial differences in cancer incidence," the researchers concluded.

In addition to Wong, study authors included Susan L. Ettner and Martin F. Shapiro of the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, and John Boscardin of the division of geriatrics at the San Francisco Veterans Administration Medical Center.

The National Institute on Aging, the National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities, a Pfizer Scholars Grant in Clinical Epidemiology, and a Doris Duke Charitable Foundation Clinical Scientist Development Award funded this study.

Journal reference:

1.      Wong et al. The Contribution of Cancer Incidence, Stage at Diagnosis and Survival to Racial Differences in Years of Life Expectancy. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 2009; 24 (4): 475 DOI: 10.1007/s11606-009-0912-1

Adapted from materials provided by University of California - Los Angeles.





How Can Green Make Themselves Less White? 

Environment

 

 

 
By Naomi Schaefer Riley

(c) Wall Street Journal

March 19, 2009

 

A few days after Barack Obama's inauguration, the newly appointed head of the Environmental Protection Agency, Lisa Jackson, gave an interview to Essence magazine. Ms. Jackson explained that she planned to "elevate the issue" of "environmental justice" during her tenure. For those who are unfamiliar with the term, environmental justice is the sweet spot where the green movement meets the racial grievance industry. As the Essence interviewer put it: "The practice of locating polluting industries in minority communities -- and the consequent health impacts -- is well documented. African Americans are almost 80 percent more likely than White Americans to live in neighborhoods near hazardous industrial pollution sites."

The concept of environmental justice can be traced back to the early '80s, according to Robert Bullard, the director of the Environmental Justice Resource Center at Clark Atlanta University. He cites a 1982 fight over a landfill in Warren County, N.C. Since then, the movement has blamed industrial plants across the country for skyrocketing asthma rates among inner-city blacks. But Mr. Bullard believes that environmental justice should also include a concern about the lack of public parks in inner cities and high childhood obesity rates among blacks (stemming from fewer supermarkets in their neighborhoods). He refers to those fights as "parks justice" and "food justice." Talk about defining justice down.

Minorities are also particularly victimized by global warming, it is claimed. (The mock headline comes to mind: "Global Warming Destroys Earth: Women and Minorities Hit Hardest.") As Democratic Rep. James Clyburn of South Carolina told an audience at the National Press Club last July: "It is critical that our community be an integral and active part of the debate because African-Americans are disproportionately impacted by the effects of climate change economically, socially and through our health and well-being."

Mr. Clyburn was drawing from a report put out last year by the Environmental Justice and Climate Change Initiative. The document has an oddly conspiratorial tone. The authors write that "the six states with the highest African American population are all in the Atlantic hurricane zone"; "African Americans spend thirty percent more of their income on energy than non-Hispanic whites"; "African Americans pay a heavy price and disproportionate share of the cost of wars for oil"; and "African Americans suffer heat death at one hundred and fifty to two hundred percent of the rate for non-Hispanic whites." Ultimately the message is this: The Man has conspired against minorities in so many ways -- and it turns out that destroying the environment is just another one.

But some racial minorities apparently remain unconvinced. An article in the New York Times last week documented how green groups are having trouble attracting black and Hispanic supporters. Carl Pope, the executive director of the Sierra Club, noted that at a typical Sierra Club meeting -- despite the organization's best efforts -- "the people are mostly white, largely over 40, almost all college educated, whose style is to argue with each other. . . . That may not be a welcoming environment." Other green leaders quoted by the Times bemoaned their failure to draw a more rainbow-colored crowd, faulting themselves for not coming up with better outreach efforts. One diversity consultant complained that the dress code of environmental groups might be putting off minorities. "It's the tyranny of the fleece," he said.

The rueful tone of environmental leaders sounds not unlike that of proponents of gay marriage who -- noting a similar lack of success with minority "outreach" -- keep arguing that if they only frame the debate correctly they will be able to convince blacks and Hispanics that gay marriage is a good idea. If you buy into one element of the liberal agenda, the thinking goes, surely you'll like the rest of it.

But is this true? It may be mere condescension to assume that racial minorities don't understand what's at stake in such matters -- that it is the outreach effort that is failing and not the message itself. It could well be that minorities understand all too well.

 "Environmentalism doesn't appeal to minorities," says Steven Milloy, the publisher of JunkScience.com, because "it doesn't bring them anything." He explains: "Environmentalists scare companies from building plants where people could use the jobs, and the plants go overseas instead." In the late '90s, for instance, the greens managed to run the Shintech company out of Convent, La., where it had planned to build a chemical plant that would have created more than 150 jobs. Though three-quarters of the black residents near the site wanted the facility, the company eventually backed out, tired of the harassment from the Clinton administration's EPA.
 

Driving jobs away, particularly in today's economy, is much more harmful to the health of racial minorities than any presumed "environmental" threat. As Mr. Milloy explains: "People who have jobs have health insurance and a higher standard of living." As for what we might call "heat justice": People with jobs also have more air-conditioning units, which can presumably prevent heat-related deaths.

As for the claim about asthma, Mr. Milloy notes that childhood asthma rates have climbed in the past three decades as our air has become considerably cleaner. Moreover, he notes that asthma is not triggered by chemical fumes, but by allergens, which are not produced by industrial plants.

But the greens won't give up. They know that their public relations would improve if their membership wasn't simply rich and white. And maybe the Obama administration has found just the solution to this impasse. As Ms. Jackson explained: "The future economy . . . may well be a green economy. Black people need to . . . realize that the opportunities for jobs are going to be in energy efficiency, in fuel efficiency, in renewable power." Nothing like a stimulus package to get people's priorities in order.

 




A Round Ball Ruminator With a Prolix Penchant
 
 
Clark Kellogg 

 

 

By Norman Chad
© Washington Post

March 23, 2009
 
In the midst of March Madness looms Clark Kellogg. Replacing Billy Packer as CBS's No. 1 college basketball voice, Kellogg is one part Dick Vitale, one part Bill Raftery and two parts toxic spill.
 

Like many of his analytical ancestors, Kellogg speaks an alternate language. The lane is "the paint," the basket is "the rack," the foul line is "the charity stripe." Players don't just rebound, they either are "banging the glass" or "cleaning up a missed shot."

For Kellogg, the shortest distance between two points is a circumlocutious statement. He favors multisyllabic words, like "perimeter" and "interior" and "circumlocutious"; heck, he's got to love "multisyllabic" because, well, it's multisyllabic.

In short, Kellogg butchers English, obfuscates the obvious and makes simple points seem elaborate -- all for our entertainment value! Frankly, he might call himself a "mangled linguistic savant."

Here now are excerpts from, as Kellogg would say, his "body of work." All of the words between quotations are Kellogg's, unexpurgated; all the words after are mine, unenthralled:

"Duke has done a masterful job of controlling pace and tempo." "Pace and tempo" always go together, you know, like "Tango & Cash."

"Basketball is meant to be played with rhythm and flow." Of course, without rhythm and flow, you can't control pace and tempo.

"The speed and length of LSU has really caught Butler off-guard." LSU is faster and taller than Butler.

"He gets a little pseudo-penetration." It's the illusion of penetration.

"They've got to turn that turnover funnel off." In my house, that's next to the circuit breakers.

"Both teams so hungry to win this game that they are just a tad off offensively in terms of the shot-making here." Uh, neither team is shooting well.

(Column Intermission: I figured President Obama was too busy when he didn't respond to my bowling-and-poker memo. But then I saw he spent, like, 4 1/2 hours on ESPN filling out a tournament bracket and realized he's returning Andy Katz's phone calls and ignoring mine. I wish I'd voted for Ron Paul.)

"He brings the same tenacity and effort every time he steps between the lines, practices or games." He plays hard.

"In every aspect of the game for the last two months he has been terrific as an overall player." He plays well.

"They're leaving a lot of cheese up there." Those are missed free throws, my friends.

"He got the chicken wing out." That's an arm.

"Right now he's coming at you folks and looking to 'posterize' somebody!!!" I hid behind the couch at this point.

"That shows you a little 'yelium' right there -- he rose and floated." I fell and sank.

"The little fella making a lot of music from beyond the three-point line." Short guy shooting well from long distance. Or composing songs, I suppose.

"Loose balls have to be retrieved with both hands." Who didn't know that?

"You get to the buffet line like that, typically you are going to find something you like." Believe it or not, this regards second-chance shots.

"He's eel-like -- long, lean and slippery." I guess this one's self-explanatory.

"At this point of the season, it's more about execution than about experience." For me, it's more about the mute button.

"We call that 'rim-running' in basketball jargon." Oh, I didn't realize he ever used jargon.

"You've got to find him, then you feel him, then you take him for a ride." I'm not quite sure he was still talking basketball here.


 

 


 


 


 

 

 



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