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The Curry Report
February 17, 2009
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In This Issue
Preserving Black History Month -- Part 2
Reps Seek to Follow Obama Lead
Putting the "Partisan" in "Bipartisanship"
FBI Releases Miss. Hate Crime Cases
At 100, NAACP Fights to Keep Struggle Alive
Burris Insists Feds Didn't Request New Affidavit
Preserving Black History Month - Part 2
Curry Headshot

By George E. Curry 

NNPA Columnist

 

The clamor to get rid of Black History Month ignores a crucial yet often overlooked fact: Congress has authorized and every president - Democrat and Republican - signs an executive order each year honoring the contributions of not only African-Americans, but Latinos, Asians, Native Americans and women.

 

February is Black History Month, March has been designated Women's History Month, May is Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, Hispanic Heritage Month begins on September 15 and November is observed as American Indian Heritage Month.

Therefore, to single out the elimination of Black History Month while continuing the other observations is ludicrous. To recommend that all be eliminated is equally foolish.  As the nation grows increasingly diverse - by the year 2040, Whites will become a minority in the U.S. - I offer a different proposal. Instead of eliminating designated national observations such as Black History Month, let's make an effort to learn more about the groups being celebrated at different times throughout the year.

The sad truth is that many groups do not have a sufficient knowledge of their own history and even less information about what other groups have endured and accomplished. This is a good time to change that. A knowledge and appreciation for other cultures might foster better intergroup relationships.

Why do we celebrate Black History Month in February?

No, it's not because it's the shortest month of the year. Black history was initially observed the second week in February. Carter G. Woodson, the founder of what was then called Negro History Week, first chose the week in 1926 because it marked the birthdays of abolitionist Frederick Douglass (February 14, 1818) and Abraham Lincoln, the signer of the Emancipation Proclamation (February 12, 1809).

It was natural to expand the second week in February to the month that also contained the birthday of scholar and civil rights icon W.B. B. DuBois (February 23, 1868), marked the passage of the 15th Amendment granting Blacks the right to vote (February 3, 1870), represented the day that the first Black U.S. Senator, Hiram R. Revels of Mississippi, took his oath of office (February 25, 1870) and the day the NAACP was founded (February 12, 1909). Additionally, the Greensboro, N.C. sit-in movement began February 1, 1960 and Malcolm X was slain February 21, 1965.

Women's History Month also began as a week-long celebration. It was first observed in 1978 by Sonoma County, California. The second week in March was selected to include the March 8 observance of International Women's Day. In 1981, Representative Barbara Mikulski of Maryland and Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah co-sponsored a joint Congressional resolution proclaiming national Women's History Week. In 1987, the week was expanded to a month.

In June 1977, Representatives Frank Horton of New York and Norman Y. Mineta of California introduced a House resolution that called on the president to designate the first 10 days of May as Asian Pacific Heritage Week. The following month, a similar bill was introduced in the Senate by Daniel Inouye and Spark Matsunaga. On October 5, 1978, President Jimmy Carter signed the joint resolution for the annual celebration. In May 1990, it was expanded into a month. May was chosen to commemorate the official arrival of Japanese immigrants on May 7, 1843 and the completion of the transcontinental railroad on May 10, 1869. Chinese immigrants laid the majority of the tracks.

Hispanic Heritage Month begins on September 15, the anniversary of independence for five Latin American countries - Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. They all declared their independence in 1821. In addition, Mexico celebrates its independence on September 16 and Chile on September 18.

October 12, observed as Columbus Day or Dia de la Razza, also falls within the 30-day period. The celebration began in 1968 as Hispanic Heritage Week under President Lyndon B. Johnson and expanded in 1988 by President Ronald Reagan to cover September 15 to October 15. Many Americans mistake Cinco de Mayo with Mexican Independence Day. The former, observed May 5, celebrates Mexico's victory over the French Empire at the Battle of Puebla, about 100 miles east of Mexico City, in 1862.

The first American Indian Day was declared on the second Saturday in May 1916 by the governor of New York. Several states set aside the fourth Friday in September to celebrate the cultures and contributions of Native Americans. Several other states have designated Columbus Day as Native American Day.  

Though November is now designated as American Indian Heritage Month, earlier efforts to honor the contributions of Native Americans have been inconsistent. In 1986, Congress requested that the president proclaim the week of November 23-30 as American Indian Week. In 1988, Congress changed the designation to National American Indian Heritage Week and moved the date of the observance to September 23-30 because "the last week of September begins the harvest season in the United States." In 1989, Congress switched the week to December 3-9. In 1990, Congress requested the president to issue a proclamation designating the month of November 1990 as National American Indian Heritage Month. Congress said it selected November because it concludes the traditional harvest season and is a time of thanksgiving and celebration of American Indians.

As can be seen above, we know so little about one another. Instead of eliminating celebrations such as Black History Month, we should broaden the celebrations so that we'll know more about ourselves and one another.

 

George E. Curry, former editor-in-chief of Emerge magazine and the NNPA News Service, is a keynote speaker, moderator, and media coach. He can be reached through his Web site, www.georgecurry.com.  

 

 

Reps Seek to Follow Obama Lead
 
Artur Davis 
 U.S. Rep. Artur Davis

By Carl Leubsdorf

© Dallas Morning News

February 11, 2009

 

If Barack Obama can, why not Artur Davis?

After all, Alabama has a much larger African-American population proportionally than the United States. Davis, a 41-year-old Birmingham congressman, is running for governor, gambling that the time is right for the kind of state-level racial breakthrough that President Barack Obama's election produced nationally.

Politicians in both parties already are focusing on 2010 and a midterm election that will shape the political landscape for Obama's second two years - and, thanks to reapportionment, the decade beyond. An important subtext will be the continuing impact of the first African-American president.

"There was a time when what I am about to do seemed as inconceivable as the idea of a Kenyan and a Kansan with Confederate roots joining to give birth to an American president," said Davis, one of two young black House Democrats seeking to mirror Obama's success.

Davis, a four-term congressman who attended Harvard Law School with Obama, hopes to succeed term-limited Republican Gov. Bob Riley. In neighboring Florida, Rep. Kendrick Meek, 42, is running for the Senate seat being vacated by Republican Mel Martinez, that state's first elected Hispanic senator.

Their candidacies suggest that, unlike the first generation of elected black lawmakers, they are not content to spend their political lives representing politically safe minority districts. They are among several African-American officeholders running next year.

In Illinois, Sen. Roland Burris, whose appointment by ousted Gov. Rod Blagojevich to succeed Obama stirred controversy, is expected to seek a full term. In New York, David Paterson, who became the state's first African-American governor when Eliot Spitzer resigned, is seeking a full term. Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick probably will run for re-election, and, in Texas, the field for a possible special Senate election would include Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams, a black Republican.

Long odds face these candidates - and other black hopefuls. In the modern era, only five African-Americans have been elected governor or senator, two each in Illinois and Massachusetts and one in Virginia.

Black voters have been far more willing to vote for white candidates, especially Democrats, than whites have been willing to support blacks.

"The majority of African-Americans live in Southern states where white voters are most resistant to electing black candidates," said David Bositis of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies.

In Alabama last November, Obama attracted 98 percent of black but only 10 percent of white voters. So despite a 29 percent black electorate, he lost by better than 3-to-2.

Bositis says the situation is gradually changing, with more black nominees and many blacks being elected to mid-level statewide positions, even in the South. Texas, for example, has two black Supreme Court justices, plus Williams on the Railroad Commission.

It's hardly surprising that most likely black statewide candidates next year are Democrats. Since the 1960s, African-Americans have strongly backed the Democratic Party.

But there are exceptions.

In 2006, Republicans nominated black candidates for governor in two northern industrial swing states, but Ken Blackwell in Ohio and Lynn Swann in Pennsylvania lost by substantial margins. Michael Steele, while unsuccessful, ran better in a Maryland Senate bid and was recently chosen as the first black Republican national chair.

Bositis said he doesn't expect the number of black governors and senators "to increase much until there is a change in racial attitudes in the states where most African-Americans live," but he sees progress.

In 2006, Harold Ford, then a Memphis congressman, polled 48 percent in a state less than 20 percent black. Though he lost, he made the best showing of any recent Democratic Senate candidate in Tennessee, suggesting race was not his major handicap.


Putting the "Partisan" in "Bipartisanship"
 
House Republican Leaders
 

 By Jamison Foser

© Media Matters

February 13, 2009

 

If there was any doubt that the news media have a badly skewed understanding of "bipartisanship" -- one in which no number of concessions from Democrats is enough and no number from Republicans is too little -- the reaction to Judd Gregg's decision to back out of becoming Barack Obama's commerce secretary should put the matter to rest.

Even before the Gregg announcement, the flaws in the media's fetishization of bipartisanship had been on display for weeks.

Most striking has been the bizarre notion that bipartisanship is an essential end in and of itself, rather than a means to an end. When the House of Representatives passed a stimulus bill two weeks ago, ABC's The Note led not with an analysis of the content of the legislation, but with President Obama's purported failure to win a single Republican vote. (Note that the failure of bipartisanship was not portrayed as a bipartisan failing; it was Obama's alone. But we'll get back to that shortly.)

That was typical of reporting in the days before the vote, which was at its most absurd when NBC's Chuck Todd asked White House press secretary Robert Gibbs if Obama would veto a bill that lacked Republican support. In the midst of an economic crisis unlike any we've seen in decades, the news media think the most important thing is not that the government take strong, successful action to help the economy -- and the millions of Americans who are struggling -- recover. No, they think the most important thing is for Democrats and Republicans to play nicely together.

Which leads to the other problem that was evident during the stimulus coverage: Reporters always seem to think it is the Democrats' responsibility to reach out to the Republicans -- and that if Democrats reach across the aisle only to draw back a bloody stump where their hand used to be, it's their fault for not reaching further.

Just look at the stimulus debate in the House. The Democrats included billions of dollars' worth of tax cuts in an effort to appeal to Republicans, and they dropped provisions the Republicans objected to, like funding for contraceptives. The Republicans, on the other hand, offered an alternative that consisted of nothing -- absolutely nothing -- other than tax cuts. And keep in mind that government spending on things like unemployment benefits and food stamps is far more stimulative than tax cuts, according to economist and McCain campaign adviser Mark Zandi, among others.

Now, given all that, you might assume that when House Republicans responded to Democratic concessions by unanimously opposing a stimulus bill containing a mix of tax cuts and spending, voting instead for one that contained only tax cuts and would provide less of a boost to the economy, they would be portrayed by the media as intransigent partisans.

But that's not what happened. Instead, Obama and the Democrats were portrayed as insufficiently bipartisan. Time's Mark Halperin, for example, blasted Obama for failing to "go for centrist compromises" and compared him to George W. Bush.

But the public saw things much more clearly than the pundits and journalists. A CNN poll released this week found that "[t]hree out of four poll respondents said that Obama is doing enough to cooperate with Republicans in Congress, but only 39 percent feel that congressional Republicans are cooperating enough with the president." Just imagine how lopsided the results would have been if not for Halperin and The Note and Chuck Todd and all the rest suggesting insufficient bipartisanship on Obama's part.

So, that brings us to Judd Gregg. The conservative Republican senator was Barack Obama's choice for commerce secretary, and the third Republican Obama had named to his Cabinet, along with Robert Gates and Ray LaHood.

Gregg's behavior since news first broke that Obama was considering him hasn't exactly reflected a desire to put partisan politics aside and work on behalf of the administration he was about to join. First, reports indicated that Gregg agreed to take the job only on the condition that New Hampshire's Democratic governor name a Republican to take his place in the Senate. Then, Gregg announced that he would not cast a vote on the stimulus package -- the equivalent of voting no, since Senate rules required 60 votes in order to invoke cloture, regardless of how many senators cast votes. That meant that the man who was about to be Barack Obama's commerce secretary could have been responsible for the failure of Obama's stimulus package. Not a great way to start off a new job.

So maybe it shouldn't have come as much of a surprise when Gregg abruptly announced yesterday that he didn't really want the job after all, essentially explaining that he belatedly realized that he is a conservative Republican and Barack Obama is a Democrat.

For a moment, it seemed like this might finally make reporters realize that if anyone is falling short of their precious bipartisanship, it's the Republicans. After all, here's a situation in which Barack Obama asked a conservative GOP senator to become the third Republican in his Cabinet -- and after accepting the job and then working against Obama's stimulus bill anyway, the senator decided that on second thought, he didn't want to serve in Obama's administration.

It's pretty hard to see that as anything other than Obama reaching out to the GOP, only to have his overture rebuffed. And having seen the public strongly disagree with their assessment that it was Obama who was insufficiently bipartisan in the stimulus negotiations, you'd think reporters would at least hesitate before again suggesting the president made inadequate efforts at bipartisanship.

But many of them rushed to portray Gregg's reversal as indicative of a failure by Obama.

An unintentionally hilarious Politico article disclosed that congressional Republicans "applauded boisterously" when they learned of Gregg's withdrawal. Why were they so excited? Because, Politico explained, Gregg's decision reinforced "an emerging GOP case against Obama and the ruling Democratic Party: Strip away the new face, the lofty rhetoric and the promises of post-partisanship and you'll find the same big-spending party of old, bent on politicizing government to consolidate its hold on power."

Got that? Republicans applauded a Republican's decision not to work with Obama because it reinforced their contention that Obama's "promises of post-partisanship" are nothing but "lofty rhetoric" designed to conceal attempts at "politicizing government."

Now, a slightly more ... sane take might be that in offering Gregg the job, Obama was making a sincere effort at bipartisanship, and in applauding Gregg's decision to back out, House Republicans were demonstrating their lack of interest in working with Obama. But such an assessment was nowhere to be found in the Politico article.

Not only that, Politico -- like many other news outlets -- indicated that a key factor in Gregg's decision was the White House's reported plan to directly oversee the Census Bureau.

Politico reported that "Gregg breathed life into Republican charges of a White House power grab over a critical Commerce Department function."

Now, first of all, the White House doesn't need to execute a "power grab" over a Commerce Department function; the White House is ... well, it's the White House. Does Politico really mean to suggest that traditionally, the Commerce Department doesn't do what the president tells it to do?

Second, Politico probably should have noted that during his bizarre withdrawal announcement, Gregg repeatedly downplayed the importance of the census story, saying, "The census was only a slight catalyzing issue. It was not a major issue." And "I don't need to elaborate. I know it was a slight issue. ... It wasn't a big enough issue for me to even discuss what the issue was."

Rather than breathing life into the GOP's census attacks, Gregg's comments would seem to let the air out of them.

Finally: The Republicans' claims to be shocked -- shocked! -- that someone like White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel might have some influence over how the census is run ring more than a little hollow. The White House is always going to have influence over what happens at the Census Bureau. See, the president works at the White House, and he's kind of in charge of the executive branch.

But even if it were somehow the case that the Commerce Department had previously existed in a vacuum, conducting the census all on its own, without any input from the White House, it's important to keep in mind some of the people who have served as secretary of commerce in recent administrations.

George W. Bush's first commerce secretary was his campaign chairman, Don Evans. Bill Clinton's commerce secretaries included his campaign chairman, Mickey Kantor, and Ron Brown, who was chairman of the DNC when Clinton first ran for president. George H.W. Bush gave the job to Bob Mosbacher, finance chairman of his 1988 campaign.

I don't remember any Republicans complaining that Don Evans or Bob Mosbacher might be in charge of the census. In fact, you could easily conclude that by insisting that a Republican be in charge of the census, Republicans are guilty of politicizing the process.

And yet reporters take seriously the Republicans' complaints that Rahm Emanuel might have some influence over the census.

Other reporters found even sillier ways to pretend Gregg's withdrawal said something about Obama's insufficient bipartisanship. Discussing Gregg's withdrawal, Chuck Todd claimed that unlike Ray LaHood -- the longtime Republican congressman whom Obama chose as his transportation secretary -- Gregg is a "real Republican." So now it isn't enough for Obama to keep his Republican predecessor's Republican defense secretary and to choose a longtime Republican congressman for transportation secretary -- in order to be truly bipartisan, his nominees have to pass Chuck Todd's "real Republican" litmus test.

After quoting Robert Gibbs on Gregg's abrupt reversal, Politico's Ben Smith complained that " 'bipartisan,' in the White House definition ... doesn't mean you make friends with the other side, or play nice."

Huh? Obama offered Judd Gregg a Cabinet position, which Gregg accepted ... then decided he didn't want to work with Obama after all. And it's the White House that has a phony definition of "bipartisan"?

No, it's the media.

And with the media rigging the game this thoroughly, it's no wonder that Obama's attempts at bipartisanship have brought little in return from Republicans.

 
FBI Releases Miss. Hate Crime Cases

Mississippi Map color

 
(c)  Jackson  Clarion-Ledger

February 12, 2009

 

The FBI in Mississippi released today the names of 43 people who were possibly victims of unsolved hate crimes in the state during the civil rights era.

The federal agency had announced in 2006 that it would identify and closely examine all unsolved hate crimes that resulted in deaths before 1970.

The names are as follow:


LOUIS ALLEN

·  Date of Death: January 31, 1964

·  Location: Liberty




BENJAMIN BROWN

·  Date of Death: May 10, 1967

·  Location: Jackson




CHARLES BROWN

·  Date of Death: June 20, 1957

·  Location: Yazoo City




JESSIE BROWN

·  Date of Death: January 13, 1965

·  Location: Winona




ELI BRUMFIELD

·  Date of Death: October 13, 1961

·  Location: McComb




SILAS CASTON

·  Date of Death: March 1, 1964

·  Location: Jackson




VINCENT DAHMON

·  Date of Death: May-July, 1966 (circa James Meredith's March Against Fear)

·  Location: Natchez




WOODROW WILSON DANIELS

·  Date of Death: June 25, 1958

·  Location: Yalobusha County




ROMAN DUCKSWORTH

·  Date of Death: April, 1961 or 1962
Location: Taylorsville




PHELD EVANS

·  Date of Death: 1964

·  Location: Canton




J. E. EVANSTON

·  Date of Death: Unknown; Body discovered December 24, 1955

·  Location: Tallahatchie




JASPER GREENWOOD

·  Date of Death: June 30, 1964

·  Location: Vicksburg




JIMMIE GRIFFEN (or GRIFFIN)

·  Date of Death: September 24, 1965

·  Location: Near Sturgis




PAUL GUIHARD

·  Date of Death: September 30, 1962

·  Location: Oxford




ADLENA HAMLETT and BIRDIA KEGLAR

·  Date of Death: January 11, 1966

·  Location: Sidon




LUTHER JACKSON

·  Date of Death: October, 1959

·  Location: Philadelphia




WHARLEST JACKSON

·  Date of Death: February 27, 1967

·  Location: Natchez




ERNEST JELLS

·  Date of Death: October 20, 1963

·  Location: Clarksdale




GEORGE LEE

·  Date of Death: May 7, 1955

·  Location: Belzoni




HERBERT LEE

·  Date of Death: September 25, 1961

·  Location: Unknown




WILLIAM LEE

·  Date of Death: February 25, 1965

·  Location: Rankin County




GEORGE LOVE

·  Date of Death: January 7, 1958

·  Location: Ruleville




SYLVESTER MAXWELL

·  Date of Death: Unknown; Body discovered on January 17, 1963

·  Location: Canton




ROBERT MCNAIR

·  Date of Death: November 6, 1964

·  Location: Pelahatchie




CLINTON MELTON

·  Date of Death: December 3, 1955

·  Location: Tallahatchie




BOOKER MIXON

·  Date of Death: October 12, 1959

·  Location: Clarksdale




NEIMIAH MONTGOMERY

·  Date of Death: August 10, 1964

·  Location: Cleveland




SAMUEL O'QUINN

·  Date of Death: August 14, 1959

·  Location: Centreville




HERBERT ORSBY

·  Date of Death: September 7, 1964

·  Location: Canton




MACK PARKER

·  Date of Death: April 25, 1959; Body discovered May 4, 1959

·  Location: Poplarville, Pearl River County




WILLIAM PRATHER

·  Date of Death: November 1, 1959

·  Location: Corinth, Alcorn County




JOHNNY QUEEN

·  Date of Death: August 8, 1965

·  Location: Fayette




DONALD RASPBERRY

·  Date of Death: February, 1965

·  Location: Okolona




JESSIE SHELBY

·  Date of Death: January 29, 1956

·  Location: Yazoo City




OLLIE SHELBY

·  Date of Death: January 22, 1965

·  Location: Hinds County Jail, Jackson




ED SMITH

·  Date of Death: April 27, 1958

·  Location: State Line




LAMAR SMITH

·  Date of Death: August 13, 1955

·  Location: Brookhaven




EDDIE STEWART

·  Date of Death: July 9, 1966

·  Location: Jackson, Hinds County, Mississippi or Crystal Springs, Copiah County




ISAIAH TAYLOR

·  Date of Death: June 26, 1964

·  Location: Ruleville




FREDDIE THOMAS

·  Date of Death: August 16, 1965; Body discovered August 19, 1965

·  Location: Batesville




SALEAM TRIGGS

·  Date of Death: January 23, 1965

·  Location: Hattiesburg




CLIFTON WALKER

·  Date of Death: February 28, 1964

·  Location: Woodville, Wilkinson County or Natchez, Adams County


 
At 100, NAACP Fights to Keep Struggle Alive
 
NAACP 
   

 
© Associated Press

February 11, 2009

 
 

The bookends of the NAACP's century testify to the change it has wrought.

In 1908, a race riot in Springfield, Ill., left at least seven people dead and led to the birth of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. In 2008, Barack Obama, who had launched his campaign just blocks from where Springfield's blood once spilled, became the first African-American president.

In between, wielding legal arguments and moral suasion in equal measure, the NAACP demanded that America provide liberty and justice not only for blacks, but for all. Now, its very achievements have created a daunting modern challenge as the NAACP turns 100 on Thursday: convincing people that the struggle continues.

"When I was in college, I could see signs that said 'white' and 'colored' when I went to the movie theater. That was an easy target for me to aim at," says Julian Bond, chairman of the NAACP board. "Today, I don't see those signs, but I know that these divisions still exist ...  and it's more difficult to convince people that there's a problem."

Benjamin Todd Jealous, the new president and CEO of the NAACP, says his greatest obstacle is "the lack of outrage about the ways that young people and working people are routinely mistreated."

He cites figures such as a 70 percent unsolved murder rate in some black communities, blacks graduating from high school at a far lower rate than whites, and studies showing that whites with criminal records get jobs easier than blacks with clean histories.

"There are issues of basic fairness, obstacles to opportunity, that still exist," Jealous says. "The NAACP is needed now as urgently as it has ever been."

No one group did more to pave the way for Obama's ascension than the NAACP, historians say, pointing to its primary role in three towering civil rights victories the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education school desegregation ruling, the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

But now that the black son of a poor single mother has moved into the White House, a new era has clearly begun.

"We've got to rise to the occasion today," says former NAACP board chairman Myrlie Evers-Williams, who was married to the slain civil rights icon Medgar Evers.

"We cannot continue to sing 'We Shall Overcome,'" she says. "It's a dear, valued, valuable song that expresses a time that should live with us. But I want a new song."

The first incarnation of the NAACP was the Niagara Movement, a 1905 conference of prominent blacks led by the scholar and activist W.E.B. DuBois. After the Springfield riots, Niagara members joined a group of mostly white Northerners to form the NAACP on Feb. 12, 1909 the centennial of Abraham Lincoln's birth.

An early focus of the group was the hundreds of lynchings taking place each year. In 1917, the NAACP won its first Supreme Court case, a unanimous ruling that states could not segregate people into residential districts based on race.

This was an early example of perhaps the NAACP's most powerful argument: Equal rights are a fundamentally American value.

"We are the only country that was founded on an idea or a premise ... the notion of equal citizenship," says Taylor Branch, the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian of the civil rights movement. "Pretty much all of our history has tested what that meant. Most often the greatest crises have been around race."

The NAACP framed its arguments as "civil rights doesn't mean black rights, it means rights pertaining to citizenship," Branch says.

This stance provided huge moral leverage. "Their power came from knowing they were right," Bond says.

Power also came from thousands of average citizens who risked retaliation to challenge unjust laws.

"Thurgood Marshall's brilliance was the instrument of victory, but that brilliance was essentially rooted in the courage of ordinary farmers and workers," says William Chafe, a Duke University history professor.

Those legal victories laid a foundation for many different groups to demand equal protection under the law.

"It spread to women, disabled groups, the elderly," Branch says. "Most Americans are unaware of the things that it sparked, not just by other groups, but in areas other than school desegregation or race relations."

The great triumphs of the Civil and Voting Rights Acts marked the end of an era. After the 1960s, some of the NAACP's most significant post-'60s achievements, according to a timeline on the NAACP Web site, include helping keep conservative Robert Bork off the Supreme Court and ex-Klansman David Duke out of the U.S. Senate; registering hundreds of thousands of voters; leading marches; and pushing the issue of diversity in corporations and on television.

"In the second 50 years, I think their effectiveness has been reduced because they are perceived more as a group just trying to improve things for black people," says Branch, the historian. "They don't have that broader claim."

The NAACP reached a low point in the early 1990s, when it faced a $4 million deficit. Myrlie Evers-Williams was asked to run for board chairman. She worked tirelessly to raise funds while not receiving any salary and is credited with restoring the NAACP to prominence.

In the 1990s, a civil-rights backlash developed from decades of white guilt and new demands for black accountability.

"Lifting blacks up is no longer a matter of getting whites off our necks," the conservative black scholar John McWhorter wrote in 2004. "We are faced, rather, with the mundane tasks of teaching those 'left behind' after the civil rights victory how to succeed in a complex society."

In 2007, Bruce Gordon abruptly resigned as NAACP CEO because of differences with the 64-member board, including Gordon's desire to focus on practical solutions rather than political advocacy.

Jealous, the new NAACP president, is 35 years old, and has a raft of ambitious plans such as "quality education for every child in this country" and "to revive our legacy as a human rights organization."

The NAACP now has a $21 million annual budget and 85 full-time employees. There are 525,000 members plus another 225,000 donors; the NAACP's membership peaked at 625,000 paid members in 1964.

NAACP board member Rev. Amos Brown says that Obama's election should not obscure that problems still exist.

"If we get caught up in the euphoria of this election and fail to deal with reality," Brown says, "it's going to be a short-lived victory."

 

 

Burris Insists Feds Didn't Request New Affidavit
 
Roland Burris


By DON BABWIN
Associated Press Writer
February 16, 2009
 

CHICAGO (AP)  Sen. Roland Burris insisted Monday that a newly released affidavit outlining contacts with ousted Gov. Rod Blagojevich's brother and other advisers was voluntary and not the result of contact from federal agents investigating the former governor.

"It was done because we promised the (impeachment) committee we would supplement information in case we missed anything," Burris said Monday before embarking on trip to talk with constituents. "End of story."

Burris released an affidavit over the weekend in which he admitted Blagojevich's brother asked him for campaign fundraising help before Blagojevich appointed Burris to the Senate.

The disclosure is at odds with Burris' testimony in January, when the Illinois House impeachment committee specifically asked whether he had ever spoken to Robert Blagojevich or other aides to the now-deposed governor about the Senate seat vacated by President Barack Obama.

The discrepancy could mean Burris perjured himself.

But the Democratic senator insisted Monday that the Feb. 4 affidavit was merely a promised supplement, not a contradiction, to his testimony before the committee and was not requested as part of the federal corruption investigation of Blagojevich's administration.

"There was no change of any of our testimony," Burris, 71, said. "We followed up as we promised the impeachment committee. ... The information that's being reported in terms of that this was done because of a fed statement is absolutely, positively not true."

Blagojevich appointed Burris to the Senate Dec. 30, three weeks after the governor was arrested on a federal complaint that he tried to trade the Senate post for campaign cash or a high-paying job. The House impeached him and the Senate removed him from office Jan. 29.

The affidavit's release prompted state Republican leaders to call for Burris' resignation and a perjury investigation while members of his own party, including Blagojevich successor Gov. Pat Quinn, say they would like a full explanation from Burris.

According to the affidavit, Robert Blagojevich called Burris three times ¿ once in October and twice after the November election ¿ to seek his fundraising assistance.

The disclosure reflects a major omission from Burris' testimony in January.

Burris said he never got a chance to answer a direct question about Blagojevich's brother, and submitted the Feb. 4 affidavit to clarify.

However, transcripts of Burris' impeachment committee testimony show he had opportunities to provide a full response to Illinois legislators. In one instance, when asked directly about speaking to Robert Blagojevich and other associates of the former governor, Burris consulted with his attorney before responding.

Robert Blagojevich's attorney has said that his client believes one of the conversations was recorded by the FBI.

Burris said Sunday that he told Robert Blagojevich he would not raise money because it would look like he was trying to win favor from the governor for his appointment.

"I did not donate one single dollar nor did I raise any money or promise favors of any kind to the governor," he said.

But he said he did ask the governor's brother "what was going on with the selection of a successor" to Obama in the Senate and "he said he had heard my name mentioned in the discussions."

--

Associated Press writer Rupa Shenoy contributed to this report.

 



 



Speaking Engagements
Microphone
 
April 25, 2009
Barber-Scotia College National Alumni Association
Concord, N.C.
 
May 8-9, 2009
Knoxville College Board of Trustees
Knoxville, Tenn.
 
June 4-7, 2009
Urban Financial Services Coalition
Dearborn, Mich.
 
June 10-14, 2009
100 Black Men of America
New York, N.Y.
 
June 21, 2009
Old Storm Branch Baptist Church
North Augusta, S.C.
 
June 24-27, 2009
The PowerNetworking Conference
Atlanta, Ga.
 
July 18-21, 2009
National Speakers Association Convention
Phoenix, Ariz.
 
August 2-5, 2009
National Black Nurses Association
Toronto, Canada
 
August 6-9, 2009
National Association of Black Journalists
Tampa, Fla.
 
August 30-September 3, 2009
White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Washington, D.C.
 
 
 
 
 
 
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AAction
 
 
 The Affirmative Action Debate
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 Jake Gaither: America's Most Famous Black Coach
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