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The Curry Report
February 3, 2009
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In This Issue
SCLC Faces Another Turning Point
Senator: Ga. Funding of Black Colleges is Illegal
Black Journalist Criticized for Attacking Michelle Obama
Obama's election puts added spark in Black History Month
The Epidemic That Wasn't
African-Americans Most Religiously Devout Group
SCLC Faces Another Turning Point
 
Curry Headshot

By George E. Curry 

NNPA Columnist

February 2, 2009

 

Five years ago, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Atlanta-based civil rights group co-founded by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., was in disarray. It had just concluded a convention in Jacksonville, Fla. that was so contentious that police had to be summoned to keep the peace. Instead of choosing between the two candidates vying for president at the time, TV Judge Greg Mathis and Ralph D. Abernathy III, convention delegates picked Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth to serve as interim president.

But when Shuttlesworth fired longtime staffer Rev. E. Randel T. Osburn several months later, the SCLC board overruled Shuttlesworth and suspended him. The civil rights icon from Birmingham, Ala. quit, saying: "Only God can give life to the dead."

That's when the SCLC board turned to Charles Steele, Jr., an Alabama undertaker, to breathe new life into the dying organization. Taking office with no money in the bank and the office lights turned out, Steele began rebuilding the organization. The group's finances were so shaky that when Steele first accepted the job, he commuted from Tuscaloosa, Ala. and for a short period, slept in his car to save money. 

But that changed quickly. The former Alabama state senator raised more than $6 million over four years, including $3.3 million to build new headquarters for SCLC on Auburn Avenue. The organization's assets increased 10-fold under Steele. Over that same period, the former Alabama state senator increased the number of chapters from 10 to 85 and rescued SCLC from irrelevancy.

Steele resigned as president and CEO of SCLC, effective this week, and Byron Clay, a board member from Kenner, La., was named interim president. Although Steele left office without rancor - Board Chairman Raleigh Trammell repeatedly tried to persuade Steele to rescind his resignation - SCLC finds itself at another turning point.

And the person the board selects to lead the organization may determine if SCLC will build on the progress made under Steele's leadership or return to its near-death status.

Whomever is selected, along with the board, will face the challenge of coming up with vibrant programs to make the organization more effective. Despite being a major player in the civil rights movement, seeking justice for the Jena 6 in Louisiana, marching to urge the Justice Department under George W. Bush to be more aggressive in enforcing civil rights and preaching economic empowerment, much of Steele's efforts were devoted to keeping the organization solvent. He also spent a considerable amount of time making SCLC an international force, establishing conflict resolution centers abroad and joining efforts to bring peace to the Middle East.

To attract a credible national figure to become SCLC's seventh president in 52 years, the board needs to adjust how it interacts with its president/CEO. The role of directors is to establish policy and allow the president to supervise day-to-day operations. Although Steele never cited it as a factor in his decision to leave, the SCLC board is deeply involved in daily operations of SCLC. For example, the organization's general counsel reports directly to the board chairman instead of the president as is the case under most organizational structures.

Still, the past several years have been uncommonly smooth for SCLC, largely because of the good working relationship between Chairman Trammell and President Steele. Trammell was generally supportive of Steele and Steele maintained open and regular communications with Trammell, who lives in Dayton, Ohio.

Since Joseph Lowery stepped down as president of SCLC in 1997 after a 20-year tenure, the organization has been roiled by political infighting. Martin Luther King III's 7-year year tenure ended in 2004 after frequent clashes with the board. Shuttlesworth quit abruptly in 2004 after serving several months. And when Steele was selected to succeed Shuttlesworth that same year, many were predicting a similar fate for him.

In a speech to the National Newspaper Publishers Association in Phoenix two years ago, Steele recalled: "When we got there, the lights were off. The phone was off. Dr. King's organization couldn't meet payroll, inherited a $100,000 debt from the convention coming out of Jacksonville, Fla. and owed the federal government. And now the federal government owes us. In the last two years, we have raised $6 million."

Trammell, in a statement announcing Steele's departure, said, "Charles Steele's passion for civil rights and his desire to keep the organization alive and relevant has changed not only SCLC, but the world's view of SCLC for the better." Trammell added, "His determination and drive restored the organization back to our original relevance. Because of Charles, our membership has increased and he has given a new foundation on which we can continue to build."

Steele, who moved his family from his native Tuscaloosa, Ala. to Atlanta, said he plans to remain in Georgia and concentrate on potential business opportunities, many of them in the international arena. He also plans serve as a consultant to SCLC while it seeks its next leader and build on his efforts to establish conflict resolution centers around the world.

In the meantime, my old buddy can be proud of what he accomplished. In addition to always criticizing "scared Negroes," he was fond of saying that when he took over, "We weren't dead, but we were on life-support." SCLC can now breathe easier because of Charles Steele, Jr.

 

George E. Curry, former editor-in-chief of Emerge magazine and the NNPA News Service, is a keynote speaker, moderator, and media coach. He can be reached through his Web site, www.georgecurry.com.  

 

  

Senator: Ga. Funding of Black Colleges is Illegal
 
Black College Banners 
 

By Shannon McCaffrey

� Associated Press

January 29, 2009

 

ATLANTA - An influential Georgia lawmaker said Wednesday that the state's funding of historically black public colleges is illegal.

 

Seth Harp, chairman of the Senate Higher Education Committee, introduced a resolution Wednesday urging the state Board of Regents to save money by merging black colleges in Savannah and Albany with nearby schools that are predominantly white.

The Regents would have to approve any merger and the university system chancellor has signaled opposition to the idea.

But state lawmakers control the purse strings and Harp said Wednesday that they should use "the power of the budget to urge the Regents to do the right thing."

Harp, a Midland Republican, said the schools are a vestige of the Jim Crow era and "perpetuate segregation in our state."

"It is time we close this chapter in Georgia," Harp said.

Harp said the proposal is also driven by the state's floundering finances. The state is struggling to close a $2 billion budget shortfall and consolidating the schools would conserve badly-needed cash.

But Harp's cost-saving plan has stirred a torrent of opposition from critics who say the schools represent a vital piece of the civil rights struggle.

"This is a matter of pride in the African-American community," state Sen. Emanuel Jones, chairman of Georgia Legislative Black Caucus, said.

"He is not just talking about merging institutions he's talking about a way of life with roots that go back to slavery. That's the nerve that he's touching."

Supporters of the colleges say students who otherwise might not attend college are being educated at the schools. Black students perform better in the black-college setting, experts say, and the dropout rate among blacks is lower than at majority white institutions.

Harp is proposing merging the historically black 3,400-student Savannah State University with nearby Armstrong Atlantic State University, a majority white school that has 6,800 students.

Also, historically black Albany State University, which has about 4,100 enrolled, would combine with nearby Darton College, which has a predominantly white student body with about 4,700 students enrolled.

The new campuses would keep the names of the older and more established black colleges.

Harp's plan would leave the state with just one public historically black college, Fort Valley State University. That school is left out of the proposal because it is not close to a majority-white school.

Speaking on the floor of the state Senate on Wednesday, Harp warned that Georgia funding for schools violates the law.

He cited a desegregation case in Tennessee where a black teacher, Rita Geier, sued over the University of Tennessee's plans to develop a Nashville campus. She feared UT-Nashville would become a predominantly white school and that historically black Tennessee State would suffer. In a 1984 settlement, the state agreed to provide millions of dollars to diversify public colleges and universities.

Russ Willard, a spokesman for Georgia Attorney General Thurbert Baker, said the office has not been asked for a legal opinion on funding for the state's historically black colleges.

But he noted that neither traditionally black nor traditionally white public colleges in Georgia currently discriminate in their admissions process, which likely would resolve any constitutional concerns over their funding.

Earlier this month, University System of Georgia Chancellor Erroll B. Davis Jr. said that a merger might save money, but would be detrimental to students.

"We understand the need to be as efficient as possible in the current budget climate," he said.

"We are combining back-office functions and capturing those administrative efficiencies. I believe this is far preferable to blurring the mission of distinct institutions."

 

Black Journalist Criticized for Attacking Michelle Obama

 

Juan Williams 
 
 By Alan King
(c) Baltimore Afro 
February 1, 2009 
 

After verbally attacking First Lady Michelle Obama and comparing her to a controversial Black Power activist from the '60s era, National Public Radio news analyst Juan Williams is coming under intense criticism for remarks that were recently made by him on Fox television's "The O'Reilly Factor."

During the Jan. 26 edition of the talk show, Williams, a Fox News political contributor, claimed that the first lady's "instinct is to start with this 'blame America' ... stuff." Williams asserted that "[i]f you think about liabilities for President [Barack] Obama that are close to him -- [Vice President] Joe Biden's up there -- but Michelle Obama's right there."

Williams continued: "[S]he's got this Stokely Carmichael-in-a-designer-dress thing going. If she starts talking, as [Townhall magazine contributor and Weekly Standard contributing blogger] Mary Katharine [Ham] suggested, her instinct is to start with this 'blame America,' you know, 'I'm the victim.' If that stuff starts to come out, people will go bananas, and she'll go from being the new Jackie O to being something of an albatross."

Williams' comments have unleashed a torrent of outrage in some media circles and in the African-American community; especially with a nationwide network of 300 women volunteers known as Black Women for Obama for Change.

In a recent statement, the group said that Williams' remarks showed what little he knew of the first lady and Carmichael, the Trinidadian-born activist.

"Stokely Carmichael (aka Kwame Ture) is a deceased African-American male figure of the 1960's who made many contributions to America during the SNCC sit-ins of the civil rights era," the organization said in a statement.

Carmichael, who coined the term "Black Power," was a student at a high school in the Bronx when the Civil Rights Movement exploded into the forefront of American life and culture in the early 60's. At the time, he said he was mesmerized by the four African-American freshmen from A&T University in North Carolina who staged a sit-in, or peaceful protest, at the Whites-only lunch counter in a department store.

Carmichael went on to join the movement, traveling south as a "freedom rider" in an attempt to end segregation on buses and in bus terminals; participating in sit-ins, picketing and voter registration drives.

The activist's ideas of "Black Power" advanced the idea that racial equality was not the only answer to racism in America. He sought to link the struggle for Black empowerment in America to a global movement to end imperialism.

Carmichael continued to support a revolution as the answer to the problems of racism and unfairness until his death from prostate cancer in Conakry, Guinea, West Africa in 1998.

"It is inappropriate to use his memory as a weapon to try to smear the beautiful image of our new First Lady," Black Women for Obama stated. "We resent the sexist and bizarre attempt to compare the nation's elegant and graceful First Lady to a man in a dress."

Media Matters which publicized Williams' comments, also lashed out at the Fox political contributor and author of several books, including Eyes on the Prize: America's Civil Rights Years.

"Juan Williams again baselessly attacked Michelle Obama and provided no evidence," wrote mediamatters.org, a web-based progressive information media watchdog group dedicated to monitoring conservative "misinformation."

Referring to the Aug. 25 edition of Fox News' "America's Newsroom," MediaMatters added that Williams previously said the first lady sometimes uses "this kind of militant anger." Referring to Michelle Obama's then-upcoming speech at the Democratic National Convention, MediaMatters said Williams remarked at the time: "Well, she's got to be herself, but I do not think she can go for it all out in terms of this kind of militant anger that she sometimes uses, you know. She can be, it seems, rather cynical or dismissive of people," adding, "I don't think she wants to get anywhere near the race issue, anywhere near the militant issue."

Other responses to Williams' remarks posted on michelleobamawatch.com were just as outraged. "Not two months ago, he [Williams] was crying about how great it was to see Michelle up on stage, now she's an angry black woman again. If she's not patriotic, she's too strong. If she's too strong, she's angry," Osmond posted. "The fact is, America is struggling more with a Black first lady than we are with a Black president."

In her post, Tonya said she figured the first lady would bear the brunt of "stereotypical/hateful remarks."

"She [Michelle] is a visibly Black woman. She obviously carries herself with grace and dignity," she said. "She is highly educated. She is married with children born into wedlock."

Steve Benen, political analyst with the Washington Monthly magazine, said there was no reason for Williams to launch into an attack on the first lady.

"His comments weren't just baseless and cheap, they were also gratuitous. Michelle Obama hadn't said anything specific or done anything specific to draw Williams' ire," Benen said.

Ta-Nehisi Coates, a former staff writer at The Village Voice and Time, resisted the urge to be unprofessional with his response. Instead, Coates said, "It's a dangerous, dangerous thing to make a living running your mouth."

 

Obama's election puts added spark in Black History Month

Obama Speaking 

  

By Gerald Ensley
� Tallahassee Democrat
January 31, 2009
 

The Florida A&M student actors playing black vaudeville performers from the 1920s, got some laughs from the fourth graders when they re-enacted a black-face minstrel show. But the big reaction came at the end of the show: One of the characters explained black performers no longer have to submit to demeaning racial stereotypes to be accepted.

"We've come a long way from those days," she said. "We even have an African American president."

The fourth-graders participating in the Blended Lives program erupted in applause. They may not know all about black history yet, but they know Barack Obama represents something good.

Today starts Black History Month - the first since a black man was elected U.S. president.

It is a confluence that promises to enliven the annual month-long celebration for the next four years. Schoolchildren officially have been taught black history for three decades. But never before have teachers been able to point to the president of the U.S. as an example of the contributions of black Americans.

"I think (Obama's election) puts more attention on black history and makes people more excited," said Cathy Schroepfer, a Deerlake Middle School teacher who is Leon County's civics coordinator. "People are ready to get going, to see the change. This is a great time in history to look forward."

Black History Week began in 1926, founded by pioneering black historian Carter Woodson. In 1976, the celebration expanded into Black History Month and became observed in schools nationwide.

In 1994, Florida mandated black history instruction in all state public schools -- and in all curriculums. The contributions and involvement of blacks are now part of the year-round instruction in history, social science, art, science, etc.

In February, all Leon County schools celebrate Black History Month with events and programs. There are art and essay contests. Students collect traditional recipes, read literature by black authors, create posters of famous black people, dress in traditional African attire and have quiz competitions about black history facts. Schools host guest speakers, choirs and theater groups.

Many schools do special projects. This year, the Godby High Air Force Junior ROTC will paint a hallway mural honoring the Tuskegee Airmen, the all-black Air Force unit in World War II. Cobb Middle School will host a speakers' assembly of Tallahassee "firsts," such as the first black mayor (James Ford), the first black county commissioner (Henry Lewis), the first black police chief (Walt McNeil).

Cobb civics teacher Geneva Westley, who has organized Black History Month programs at Cobb for 30 years, said black history has become an accepted part of school curriculum because of the state mandate. And in schools where it is strongly supported by administrators, such as Cobb where former principals often return for Black History Month programs, it flourishes.

"That's not to say there's not some who say "Why do we have Black History Month?' " she said. "But most students, white and black, are energized by it. When you present anything as having significance, the students will be supportive."

Black history instruction extends past secondary schools. FAMU and Florida State offer undergraduate majors in African American studies and a number of universities offer master's and Ph.D. programs in the field. Patrick Mason, director of the FSU program, said African American studies programs examine the role of blacks in economics, geography, political science, humanities and other areas.

"One of the criticisms of (African American studies) is that it was just ethnic cheerleading -- and that's far from what we do," Mason said. "We look at the role of African Americans from the perspective of the long history of the U.S., and what we can learn from that experience."

Mason said Obama's election underscores improvements in many of those experiences, such as immigration law, Jim Crow restrictions, black self-image and, particularly, voting rights. Obama won the support of 95 percent of the 16 million black voters who went to the polls -- many of whom would not have been allowed to vote before the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

"In terms of relevance to Black History Month, it certainly is important to ask how did we get to this point where it is possible to elect a black president," Mason said. "What got us to this point is that black people were able to vote."

Not that Obama's election is only about blacks. Westley noted the late James Eaton, director of FAMU's Black Archives, who trained many of the state's teachers in black history, used to say, "Black history is the history of America."

She said Obama would not have won had he not been supported by 55 percent of the 93 million white people who voted. That support is also a lesson of black history.

"There's no way an African American could have been elected if (white voters) did not believe this man had the skills to be an effective leader," Westley said. "That's an important part of this election."

But Obama's election doesn't mean the battles of black history are over. Mason noted the examples of several countries where the election of a president from an ethnic minority did not end those countries' racial strife. So Obama's election underlines the need for continued dialogue -- which is offered during Black History Month.

"Do things change with a black president? Yes," said Mason. "But that does not mean the end of race as an important social category."

 


 


The Epidemic That Wasn't
 
Baby 
   

By Susan Okie
� New York Times
January 27, 2009

BALTIMORE - One sister is 14; the other is 9. They are a vibrant pair: the older girl is high-spirited but responsible, a solid student and a devoted helper at home; her sister loves to read and watch cooking shows, and she recently scored well above average on citywide standardized tests.
 

There would be nothing remarkable about these two happy, normal girls if it were not for their mother's history. Yvette H., now 38, admits that she used cocaine (along with heroin and alcohol) while she was pregnant with each girl. "A drug addict," she now says ruefully, "isn't really concerned about the baby she's carrying."

When the use of crack cocaine became a nationwide epidemic in the 1980s and '90s, there were widespread fears that prenatal exposure to the drug would produce a generation of severely damaged children. Newspapers carried headlines like "Cocaine: A Vicious Assault on a Child," "Crack's Toll Among Babies: A Joyless View" and "Studies: Future Bleak for Crack Babies."

But now researchers are systematically following children who were exposed to cocaine before birth, and their findings suggest that the encouraging stories of Ms. H.'s daughters are anything but unusual. So far, these scientists say, the long-term effects of such exposure on children's brain development and behavior appear relatively small.

"Are there differences? Yes," said Barry M. Lester, a professor of psychiatry at Brown University who directs the Maternal Lifestyle Study, a large federally financed study of children exposed to cocaine in the womb. "Are they reliable and persistent? Yes. Are they big? No."

Cocaine is undoubtedly bad for the fetus. But experts say its effects are less severe than those of alcohol and are comparable to those of tobacco - two legal substances that are used much more often by pregnant women, despite health warnings.

Surveys by the Department of Health and Human Services in 2006 and 2007 found that 5.2 percent of pregnant women reported using any illicit drug, compared with 11.6 percent for alcohol and 16.4 percent for tobacco.

"The argument is not that it's O.K. to use cocaine in pregnancy, any more than it's O.K. to smoke cigarettes in pregnancy," said Dr. Deborah A. Frank, a pediatrician at Boston University. "Neither drug is good for anybody."

But cocaine use in pregnancy has been treated as a moral issue rather than a health problem, Dr. Frank said. Pregnant women who use illegal drugs commonly lose custody of their children, and during the 1990s many were prosecuted and jailed.

Cocaine slows fetal growth, and exposed infants tend to be born smaller than unexposed ones, with smaller heads. But as these children grow, brain and body size catch up.

At a scientific conference in November, Dr. Lester presented an analysis of a pool of studies of 14 groups of cocaine-exposed children - 4,419 in all, ranging in age from 4 to 13. The analysis failed to show a statistically significant effect on I.Q. or language development. In the largest of the studies, I.Q. scores of exposed children averaged about 4 points lower at age 7 than those of unexposed children.

In tests that measure specific brain functions, there is evidence that cocaine-exposed children are more likely than others to have difficulty with tasks that require visual attention and "executive function" - the brain's ability to set priorities and pay selective attention, enabling the child to focus on the task at hand.

Cocaine exposure may also increase the frequency of defiant behavior and poor conduct, according to Dr. Lester's analysis. There is also some evidence that boys may be more vulnerable than girls to behavior problems.

But experts say these findings are quite subtle and hard to generalize. "Just because it is statistically significant doesn't mean that it is a huge public health impact," said Dr. Harolyn M. Belcher, a neurodevelopmental pediatrician who is director of research at the Kennedy Krieger Institute's Family Center in Baltimore.

And Michael Lewis, a professor of pediatrics and psychiatry at the Robert Wood Johnson Medical School in New Brunswick, N.J., said that in a doctor's office or a classroom, "you cannot tell" which children were exposed to cocaine before birth.

He added that factors like poor parenting, poverty and stresses like exposure to violence were far more likely to damage a child's intellectual and emotional development - and by the same token, growing up in a stable household, with parents who do not abuse alcohol or drugs, can do much to ease any harmful effects of prenatal drug exposure.

Possession of crack cocaine, the form of the drug that was widely sold in inner-city, predominantly black neighborhoods, has long been punished with tougher sentences than possession of powdered cocaine, although both forms are identically metabolized by the body and have the same pharmacological effects.

Dr. Frank, the pediatrician in Boston, says cocaine-exposed children are often teased or stigmatized if others are aware of their exposure. If they develop physical symptoms or behavioral problems, doctors or teachers are sometimes too quick to blame the drug exposure and miss the real cause, like illness or abuse.

"Society's expectations of the children," she said, "and reaction to the mothers are completely guided not by the toxicity, but by the social meaning" of the drug.

Research on the health effects of illegal drugs, especially on unborn children, is politically loaded. Researchers studying children exposed to cocaine say they struggle to interpret their findings for the public without exaggerating their significance - or minimizing it, either.

Dr. Lester, the leader of the Maternal Lifestyle Study, noted that the evidence for behavioral problems strengthened as the children in his study and others approached adolescence. Researchers in the study are collecting data on 14-year-olds, he said, adding: "Absolutely, we need to continue to follow these kids. For the M.L.S., the main thing we're interested in is whether or not prenatal cocaine exposure predisposes you to early-onset drug use in adolescence" or other mental health problems.

Researchers have long theorized that prenatal exposure to a drug may make it more likely that the child will go on to use it. But so far, such a link has been scientifically reported only in the case of tobacco exposure.

Teasing out the effects of cocaine exposure is complicated by the fact that like Yvette H., almost all of the women in the studies who used cocaine while pregnant were also using other substances.

Moreover, most of the children in the studies are poor, and many have other risk factors known to affect cognitive development and behavior - inadequate health care, substandard schools, unstable family situations and exposure to high levels of lead. Dr. Lester said his group's study was large enough to take such factors into account.

Ms. H., who agreed to be interviewed only on the condition that her last name and her children's first names not be used, said she entered a drug and alcohol treatment program about six years ago, after losing custody of her children.

Another daughter, born after Ms. H. recovered from drug and alcohol abuse, is thriving now at 3. Her oldest, a 17-year-old boy, is the only one with developmental problems: he is autistic. But Ms. H. said she did not use cocaine, alcohol or other substances while pregnant with him.

After 15 months without using drugs or alcohol, Ms. H. regained custody and moved into Dayspring House, a residential program in Baltimore for women recovering from drug abuse, and their children.

There she received psychological counseling, parenting classes, job training and coaching on how to manage her finances. Her youngest attended Head Start, the older children went to local schools and were assigned household chores, and the family learned how to talk about their problems.

Now Ms. H. works at a local grocery, has paid off her debts, has her own house and is actively involved in her children's schooling and health care. She said regaining her children's trust took a long time. "It's something you have to constantly keep working on," she said.

Dr. Belcher, who is president of Dayspring's board of directors, said such programs offered evidence-based interventions for the children of drug abusers that can help minimize the chances of harm from past exposure to cocaine or other drugs.

"I think we can say this is an at-risk group," Dr. Belcher said. "But they have great potential to do well if we can mobilize resources around the family."

 


African-Americans Most Religiously Devout Group
Church

Michelle A. Vu
� Christian Post  

February 2, 2009

 

African-Americans are the most religiously devout racial group in the nation when it comes to attending services, praying and believing that God exists, according to a recent profile.

Compared to the rest of the U.S. population, which is generally considered highly religious, African-Americans engage in religious activities more frequently and express higher levels of religious belief, Pew Research Center's Forum on Religion & Public Life highlighted in a report released in time for Black History Month.

The center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey, conducted in 2007 on more than 35,000 people, found that 79 percent of African-Americans say religion is very important in their lives while 56 percent of all U.S. adults said the same. Even among African-Americans who are unaffiliated with any particular faith, 45 percent of them say religion is very important compared to 16 percent of the religiously unaffiliated population overall.

Among the various racial and ethnic groups, African-Americans are the most likely to say they belong to a formal religious affiliation. An overwhelming 87 percent of African-Americans identify with a religious group, according to the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey by the Pew Research Center's Forum on Religion & Public Life.

Following close behind are Latinos, with 85 percent of its population associating with a religion. In comparison, 83 percent of the overall U.S. population report affiliation with a religion.

Nearly six out of ten African-Americans (59 percent) say they belong to a historically black Protestant church, according to the study. The next most popular affiliation is Evangelical Protestant churches (15 percent).

Slightly more than one out of ten (12 percent) say they are unaffiliated to a religious group.

In other noteworthy findings, African-Americans express greater comfort with religion's role in politics than other racial and ethnic groups. The black community most closely resembles white evangelical Protestants, with about six in ten saying that churches should express their views on social and political issues.

But both African-Americans and white evangelicals say churches and other houses of worship should not endorse political candidates and there should be some restrictions on mixing politics and religious institutions.

When it comes to social issues, the African-American community is nearly split on abortion, with 49 percent favoring to keep abortion legal in most or all cases, and 44 percent wanting abortion to be illegal in most or all cases.

The African-American ratio is similar to that of the general public (51 percent vs. 42 percent).

On the issue of homosexuality, 41 percent of the black community thinks it should be accepted by society, while 46 percent say that homosexuality should be discouraged.

In comparison, the overall public is more open to accepting homosexuality (50 percent vs. 40 percent).

African-Americans belonging to evangelical churches are the most likely to say homosexuality should be discouraged by society (58 percent), while religiously unaffiliated African-Americans are least likely to discourage homosexuality (32 percent).

The Landscape survey shows that across all religious groups, at least two-thirds of African-Americans voice support for the Democratic Party. Meanwhile, less than half (47 percent) of the general U.S. population describes themselves as Democrats or leaning towards the Democratic Party. Slightly more than a third (35 percent) of the total population identify with the Republican Party.

Religious affiliation did not make a major impact on political party affiliation among African-Americans, the Pew Forum analysis shows.

 






Speaking Engagements
Microphone
 
February 6-8, 2009
Anchorage, Alaska
 [Postponed]
 
April 25, 2009
Barber-Scotia College National Alumni Association
Concord, N.C.
 
May 8-9, 2009
Knoxville College Board of Trustees
Knoxville, Tenn.
 
June 4-7, 2009
Urban Financial Services Coalition
Dearborn, Mich.
 
June 10-14, 2009
100 Black Men of America
New York, N.Y.
 
June 21, 2009
Old Storm Branch Baptist Church
North Augusta, S.C.
 
June 24-27, 2009
The PowerNetworking Conference
Atlanta, Ga.
 
July 18-21, 2009
National Speakers Association Convention
Phoenix, Ariz.
 
August 2-5, 2009
National Black Nurses Association
Toronto, Canada
 
August 6-9, 2009
National Association of Black Journalists
Tampa, Fla.
 
August 30-September 3, 2009
White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities
Washington, D.C.
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Emerge
 
The Best of Emerge Magazine
Edited by
George E. Curry
 
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 The Affirmative Action Debate
Edited by George E. Curry

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Gaither
 
 
 Jake Gaither: America's Most Famous Black Coach
By George E. Curry

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