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The Curry Report
January 6, 2009
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In This Issue
Mr. Burris - and Racial Politics...-...Goes to Washington
Web Site Links African-Americans to Ancestors' Voyage
Race Reemerges as Issue for GOP
'Jena 6' Teen Mychal Bellshoots Himself in Chest
Auto Woes Rock Black Work Force
Add Up the Damage
Mr. Burris - and Racial Politics - Goes to Washington

Curry Headshot 

By George E. Curry
NNPA Columnist

    

The mess surrounding Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich has gotten messier now that he has outfoxed his political opponents, at least for now, by appointing Roland Burris, the first African-American to win statewide office in Illinois, to fill the vacated Senate seat of President-elect Barack Obama.

The drama being played out in the nation's capital this week is the Black version of "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington," a 70-year old film about political corruption that involves a naïve man being appointed to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate.

With favorability ratings mirroring those of George W. Bush, it was difficult to imagine things getting much worse for the brash Illinois governor. But they did. On Dec. 9, he was arrested on federal corruption charges. The criminal complaint accused Blagojevich, among other things, of trying to sell Obama's senate seat.

Obama, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Illinois Lt. Gov. Pat Quinn and others have asked Blagojevich to resign, saying he has lost his ability to govern effectively.  Impeachment proceedings were announced and are expected to get underway this week in Springfield.

The problem for Democratic leaders, however, is that so far, Blagojevich has not been formally indicted, let alone convicted, for any crime. And even if he were indicted, he still would be entitled to the presumption of innocence. Second, they are objecting to the governor filling the Senate seat while allowing him to perform other duties of the office. Until  Blagojevich resigns or is removed from office, he is still the state's duly elected governor.

State lawmakers could have ended the controversy over Obama's successor last month by declaring a special election, but they failed to act, leaving the door open for Blagojevich. In a shrewd political move, the governor selected Burris, who held two statewide offices in the past --- secretary of state and attorney general - to fill the vacancy.

By offering the job to an African-American, Gov.  Blagojevich knew that he would be placing White Democrats in the uncomfortable position of opposing the lone Black candidate for the U.S. senate. He also correctly calculated that the Black community would rally around the nomination.

At the news conference announcing the appointment, Congressman Bobby Rush said: "Let me just remind you that there presently is no African-American in the U.S. Senate. I would ask you to not hang or lynch the appointee as you try to castigate they appointer. I don't think that anyone, any U.S. senator who's sitting in the Senate right now, want to go on record to deny this African-American from being seated, seated in the U.S. Senate."

Rush, a former Black Panther Party leader, conveniently forgot that he attempted to do just that in 2004 when he endorsed a White candidate for the senate, Blair Hull, over Obama in the Democratic primary. Rush was evidently still smarting over Obama's decision four years earlier to challenge his congressional seat.

But Blacks are not the only ones playing the so-called race card.

If Blagojevich can be believed - and that's a big if, given the accusations against him - Senate Majority Leader Reid also injected race in a discussion with the governor about filling the Obama vacancy. According to aides to Blagojevich, the senate majority leader, concerned about the seat remaining in Democratic hands, recommended the appointment of two White women, Attorney General Lisa Madigan or Tammy Duckworth, director of the Illinois Department of Veterans Affairs, over Reps. Jesse Jackson Jr., Danny Davis and state senate president Emil Jones, all African-Americans.

In an appearance Sunday on "Meet the Press," Reid said, "This is part of Blagojevich's cloud. He's making all of this up."

Senator John Cornyn of Texas, chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, had the temerity to weigh in on the race issue.

He said, "For the last several weeks, Sen. Reid has led the charge to deny the people of Illinois a voice in choosing their next U.S. Senator in a special election. Now we learn that Sen. Reid also took the extraordinary step to lobby against two sitting U.S. Congressmen and the State Senate Majority Leader in Illinois, and instead told Gov. Blagojevich that he supported an appointment for an individual who recently lost a U.S. House election. The people of Illinois deserve a simple explanation from Senator Reid -- why does he believe these three Illinois officeholders are 'unelectable' to the U.S. Senate?"

Hold on. Time out. Republicans do not have a single African-American represented in either the House or Senate and they are calling out Democrats on the issue of race? And the few times that Black Republicans were elected in recent years, all came from districts that were at least 95 percent White.

This must be a bad movie -- it can't be reality.

 

George E. Curry, former editor-in-chief of Emerge magazine and the NNPA News Service, is a keynote speaker, moderator, and media coach. He can be reached through his Web site, www.georgecurry.com.


 
 
         
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 



Web Site Links African-Americans to Ancestors' Voyage
 
Slaveship 
 

Researchers open online database showing journeys of 12.5 million slaves

 
By Dahleen Glanton
© Chicago Tribune
January 3, 2009
 

ATLANTA-In a major advance in genealogical research, African-Americans will be able to trace the routes of slave ships that transported 12.5 million of their ancestors from Africa as early as the 16th Century.

The free Internet database gives African-Americans the opportunity for the first time to explore their African heritage the way whites have long been able to chart their migration from Europe.

Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database is the result of 40 years of research by hundreds of scholars. Two years ago, Emory University researchers, funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities, began compiling maps, images and other records of about 35,000 slave-trade voyages from Africa to North America, Brazil, the Caribbean and Europe. It is the first time such a large amount of data on the subject has been available to the public.

"Everybody wants to know where they came from, and for people from Europe, it has been possible for several centuries now to trace migrant communities," said David Eltis, a history professor at Emory and a director of the project. "Now it is possible to do the same for people of African descent.

"The records for people of Africa and the Americas are better than the records of connections between Europe and the Americas for the simple reason that slaves were property," he said. "No one cared what happened to free migrants. They did care what happened to slaves, because they were making money from them."

While the database can establish the regions slave ships launched from in Africa and where they arrived in the United States, it generally is impossible to determine which ancestors were on board, researchers said, because the records have African names that were changed when the slaves arrived in North America.

"The data certainly is not going to be helpful in tracing individual ancestors. You can't say your ancestor came on this vessel, except in a tiny handful of cases," Eltis said. "What it can do is provide context. The big advantage is that it establishes connections between parts of Africa and parts of the Americas."

African-Americans have had a fascination with discovering their African heritage since the miniseries "Roots," based on the Alex Haley novel, was televised in 1977. Since 2003, a Washington, D.C., company called African Ancestry Inc. has offered mail-order DNA tests for $349. In recent years, other DNA research projects have been developed, attracting such celebrity clients as Oprah Winfrey, Spike Lee and civil rights icon Andrew Young.

The problem with DNA testing, according to researchers, is that insufficient samples of DNA have been collected from Africa, making it difficult to provide matches from many parts of the continent. The Voyages database will help reinforce DNA data, researchers said.

"People may not be able to trace their particular ancestor, but it is the most complete accounting of individual lives, individual ships, individual journeys to date," said Leslie Harris, an Emory genealogist and author of "In the Shadow of Slavery: African Americans in New York City, 1626-1863."

It is more difficult for African-Americans in Illinois to use the database because many of their families traveled North in the Great Migration from 1916 to 1930. To find those records, Illinois residents would have to know where in the South their ancestors were enslaved.

"During the slave trade, we don't have people who were dropped off in Illinois. The ships landed on the East Coast," Harris said. "So we are talking about people who started out on the East Coast and then, one way or another, ended up in Illinois, not necessarily as enslaved people but as free people."

The database, which is expected to become a classroom tool, contains the records of 10.5 million slaves, more than 85 percent of the slave trade. It identifies more than 67,000 of them by their African name, age, sex, origin and place of embarkation.

Though many Americans view slavery as a U.S. phenomenon, the United States represented only 4 percent of the slave trade, far behind Brazil, the leader, which imported about 45 percent of the slaves, Eltis said.

"During the time the slave trade was at its peak, it was considered to be an ordinary business, not something immoral. Slave ship owners used to name their voyages after their family members," Eltis said.

"So the difference between attitudes then and now is quite considerable."






Race Reemerges as Issue for GOP

 GOP

 

A controversial parody raises broader questions about the Republican Party's outreach.

 

By Alexandra Marks

© Christian Science Monitor

December 30, 2008

 

State GOP leaders will gather in Washington next week to begin the process of charting a new strategy for the Republican Party.

The issue of race will be central to the discussion, even if it's not a specific item on the agenda.

That's because, fairly or not, Republicans are being identified as the party of Southern white conservatives in an increasingly multicultural society. That was highlighted this week, when reports surfaced that a leading contender to take over the Republican National Committee (RNC) sent out a racially charged parody as a holiday greeting.

Reaction within the party was mixed. Many condemned it as tone-deaf. Others called the reaction to it "hypersensitivity."

But one thing united them: a recognition that the Republican Party has to do more to reach out to different constituencies and also shake off a legacy of using race for political advantage.

"Clearly we don't consider ourselves an all-white, all-male party. But we do understand that 2008 clearly served as a wake-up call to people in the party and the RNC that it takes more than just your base to win elections," says Chris Taylor, spokesman for RNC chairman Robert "Mike" Duncan. "We will use a broad range of techniques to increase the amount of outreach that we're doing."

Within the Republican Party there's a dispute about how to go about that, as well as a competitive contest over who will lead the GOP next. For the first time, state party leaders have organized a forum independent of the Washington apparatus of the RNC so they can quiz the candidates themselves. It will take place next week.

The issues discussed will range from how to get beyond the Beltway mentality to whether to embrace a more moderate or conservative Republican ideology. But the issue of race will be in the subtext of the discussion - in part because of the decision of a leading candidate, Chip Saltsman of Tennessee, to send out a parody called "Barack the Magic Negro" as part of his holiday greeting.

That again raised the Republicans' uncomfortable relationship with blacks. Currently, Congress does not have a single African-American Republican, and only a handful of the GOP's 168 national committee members are black. Fewer than 4 percent of blacks voted Republican in the 2008 presidential election.

"Republicans have culturally and politically become a party of Southern, conservative whites, many of whom are rural, who still have issues with race, no matter how much they will complain if you suggest that they do," says David Bositis, a senior researcher at The Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a leading African-African research group in Washington.

The issue of race has always played a crucial role in the Republican Party. It was founded in the 1850s to fight slavery. But starting in the late 1960s, Republicans pursued a so-called Southern strategy where they openly appealed to white voters and sometimes exploited racial tensions to secure victories. As they did, African-Americans moved into the Democratic camp.

But recognition was growing within the party that America was changing and that they needed to as well. In 2004, Ken Mehlman, then chairman of the RNC, made a concerted effort to reach out to African-Americans, and he apologized for the Southern strategy.

That didn't sit well with some conservatives, but it did mark an opening. And as pollster John Zogby notes, an increasing number of younger African-Americans were looking for an alternative to the Democrats.

"Some felt the Democrats took African-Americans for granted. Others had issue disagreements, from school vouchers to gay marriage to abortion," says Mr. Zogby, president and CEO of Zogby International in Utica, N.Y.

Yet many in the African-American community feel that an opportunity for the GOP to expand its ranks was lost during this past election.

"What we saw at the McCain/Palin rallies - people carrying stuffed monkeys, saying this was Barack Obama, and chanting 'kill 'em, kill 'em' - that just ratcheted up racial hatred," says Eric McDaniel, a political analyst at the University of Texas at Austin. "Some African-Americans may agree with [Republican] policies, but at the end of the day, they're going to say, 'I'm black, and you've made it very clear you don't want us around.' "

Many people within the Republican Party would like it to move beyond its racial legacy. "I, personally, would like to see us move away from use of 'hyphenateds' and gender in categorizing people," says Gary Emineth, chairman of the North Dakota Republican Party, who organized next week's forum of potential leaders.

In fact, two of the five leading candidates to lead the RNC are African-American: former Ohio Secretary of State Ken Blackwell and former Maryland Lt. Gov. Michael Steele. Some Republicans believe their chances to win have been helped by the decision by one of their opponents to send out the racially charged parody. And some pundits think that having a black leader would help the GOP. "The signal that sends to everybody else is that 'We're trying,' " says Larry Sabato, a political analyst at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville.




'Jena 6' Teen Mychal Bellshoots Himself in Chest
 
Mychal Bell 
 
 

(c) New Orleans Times-Picayune

December 31, 2008

 
BATON ROUGE -- Conflicting stories emerged Tuesday about the self-inflicted gunshot wound of a Louisiana teenager who came to prominence as a central member of the "Jena Six."

The stories differ about whether Mychal Bell, 18, intended to shoot himself or the .22-caliber handgun went off by accident.

Bell is the only one of six black students to be convicted in the attack on a white classmate during a series of racially charged events that drew national attention to the LaSalle Parish town. The other students await trial.

After serving 10 months in prison, Bell moved to Monroe. On Christmas Eve, he was arrested in a Dillard's parking lot on charges of shoplifting, simple battery and resisting arrest.

Five days later, early Monday evening, he shot himself in the chest, near his shoulder, while alone in a bedroom at his grandmother's Monroe home. He was hospitalized but the wound was not life-threatening, authorities said.

According to a Monroe police report, Melissa Bell, Bell's mother, and Rosie Simmons, his grandmother, said Bell had been depressed since his Christmas Eve arrest. His relatives said after being released on bond he talked of not being able to continue living as he endured more negative media attention.

On Tuesday, Monroe attorney Carol Powell-Lexing told CNN that Bell was cleaning the handgun when it accidentally went off.

Another lawyer, Louis Cook, told the Associated Press that after talking with family members, he believes Bell deliberately injured himself because he was afraid the arrest would ruin any chance he has to play college football.

Bell was a football star at Jena High School before the racial strife that included nooses hanging from a campus tree -- an act attributed to white students, though the culprits were never identified -- and the subsequent attack on Justin Barker.

Powell-Lexing and Cook both served on Bell's legal team in the Jena case. They did not return telephone messages from The Times-Picayune.

Monroe police Lt. Jeff Harris said, "I don't know where Carol Powell-Lexing is getting that from. She's entitled to say he accidentally shot himself. But there's nothing in these reports to confirm that."

Efforts to reach Bell's family members were not successful.

Harris said he was not aware of Bell's condition as of Tuesday afternoon. Louisiana State University System officials said Bell was no longer a patient at the system's Monroe hospital Tuesday evening.

Bell has long been the most high-profile member of the Jena Six.

Initially, he was arrested and charged as an adult with attempted second-degree murder in the attack on Barker. Those charges, along with attempted-murder charges on five others, sparked an outcry among national civil rights leaders and led to a march by 20,000 protesters in Jena.

Bell was convicted of second-degree battery, only to have the conviction overturned on the grounds that he shouldn't have been tried as an adult. He spent 10 months in prison.

After his release, he later pleaded guilty to the lesser charges as a juvenile, eventually being sentenced to 18 months as a ward of the state.

Bell moved this year to Monroe, where it was reported that he would live with a guardian who is not a family member.

Harris said Monroe police were notified that one of the Jena Six was moving to town. "It was nothing negative on him," Harris said, adding that authorities had no trouble with the teen before his shoplifting arrest.

Bell has since moved in with his grandmother and has attended Carroll High School. His attempts to return to football there were thwarted this year when a panel of the Louisiana High School Athletic Association denied his petition for an additional year of eligibility that he lost while in jail.

. . . . . . .

Capital bureau reporter Bill Barrow and the Associated Press contributed to this report.



 




 





Auto Woes Rock Black Work Force
  
Auto workers

By Louis Aguilar

© Detroit News

December 27, 2008

 

No community is getting hit harder than African-Americans by the loss of union auto jobs.

The dwindling number of high-paying factory jobs is chipping away at the middle-class lifestyle that auto factory work has provided for generations of black families, many of whom left their native South years ago to pursue opportunity up north.

"Union jobs in auto has been one of the most important sources of well-paid employment for African-Americans since World War II," said John Schmitt, an economist who's studied the trend for the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a Washington think tank. "Like no other profession, it created a black middle class. No profession has replaced it."

Between 1979 and 2007, blacks lost more than 120,000 auto jobs, Schmitt estimates. The losses hit the African-American community more than whites or Latinos because the share of black workers in the auto industry -- 14.2 percent -- is much higher than their share of the total labor force -- 11 percent.

About 118,000 African-Americans work in the auto industry, down from 137,000 in December 2007, according to Schmitt's research. He said factory layoffs at Detroit's Big Three translate into an overall decline of middle-class incomes for the black community.

According to separate study by the Economic Policy Institute, a pro-labor Washington think tank, auto job losses between 2000 and 2004 helped pull down median weekly wages of all black workers by 5 percent, to $523.

Those jobs, and wages, will continue to shrink.

The $17.4 billion federal bailout of General Motors Corp. and Chrysler LLC requires the automakers to seek concessions from the United Auto Workers, with a target of wage parity with nonunion workers at U.S factories run by foreign automakers.

Additionally, the automakers, along with Ford Motor Co., which is not participating in the bailout loans, continue to cut factory jobs as they remake themselves to be profitable as smaller companies that can better compete with foreign rivals.

Nationally, ex-factory workers are the least likely of all workers to find new full-time jobs, and a third will eventually accept work for less pay, often 20 percent less, with less generous benefits, according to studies of displaced workers by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

George McGregor is among the hundreds of thousands of blacks who have benefited from a union auto job. After serving a tour of duty in Vietnam, he made his way to Detroit from his home in the South in search of an assembly line job with one of the Big Three.

Within days he nabbed a job at GM's now-closed Fleetwood plant and earned an hourly wage, with benefits, that was double the pay of any job he could get back home.

"It was Motown and Cadillacs, man, it was the good life," said McGregor, now president of UAW Local 22 in Detroit, which represents GM's Hamtramck plant, where the automaker plans to build the plug-in Chevrolet Volt beginning in 2010. "Nowadays, if you are a UAW worker, the life is still good if you're still working," McGregor said, "but, you know the economy's changed. Not as many working as there once was."

Last week at a Michigan Works! Office on Detroit's east side, two former autoworkers, both African-American, were among hundreds looking for work.

"I gave up on making what I used to make -- it's too depressing to think that way," said DreyLouis Paxton, 28, who five years ago made $18 an hour at an auto supplier assembling components for SUV seats.

That union job lasted for three and a half years before the company went out of business when SUV sales declined, Paxton said. He's not made a wage close to that since.

Paxton was applying for an $8.50-an-hour job at a hospital with no insurance benefits. "I only got to beat out 300 people, and I don't have experience," he said, chuckling as he shook his head.

Levaughn Young lost his house in foreclosure recently, three years after he lost his job of seven years with an auto supplier outside of Grand Rapids. The 33-year-old lives in his in-laws' basement, with his wife and two kids. He's relied on construction work, but that, too, has dwindled. "There ain't nothing close to that kind of pay," he said of his old auto job.

At the union hall, McGregor said that what he finds startling is having to defend his wages to other blue-collar African-Americans.

"They get upset because they don't have the same protections we fought hard to get and they sometimes take that out on us," McGregor said. "I try to explain we are trying lift to everybody's wages. We wanted to be the standard for workers rights and benefits that all workers -- black, white, Latino -- should try to earn.

"But instead it's a race to the bottom."

 


 



Add Up the Damage
 
George W. Bush 
 
 

By Bob Herbert

Columnist

© New York Times

December 30, 2008

 

Does anyone know where George W. Bush is?

You don't hear much from him anymore. The last image most of us remember is of the president ducking a pair of size 10s that were hurled at him in Baghdad.

We're still at war in Iraq and Afghanistan. Israel is thrashing the Palestinians in Gaza. And the U.S. economy is about as vibrant as the 0-16 Detroit Lions.

But hardly a peep have we heard from George, the 43rd.

When Mr. Bush officially takes his leave in three weeks (in reality, he checked out long ago), most Americans will be content to sigh good riddance. I disagree. I don't think he should be allowed to slip quietly out of town. There should be a great hue and cry - a loud, collective angry howl, demonstrations with signs and bullhorns and fiery speeches - over the damage he's done to this country.

This is the man who gave us the war in Iraq and Guantánamo and torture and rendition; who turned the Clinton economy and the budget surplus into fool's gold; who dithered while New Orleans drowned; who trampled our civil liberties at home and ruined our reputation abroad; who let Dick Cheney run hog wild and thought Brownie was doing a heckuva job.

The Bush administration specialized in deceit. How else could you get the public (and a feckless Congress) to go along with an invasion of Iraq as an absolutely essential response to the Sept. 11 attacks, when Iraq had had nothing to do with the Sept. 11 attacks?

Exploiting the public's understandable fears, Mr. Bush made it sound as if Iraq was about to nuke us: "We cannot wait," he said, "for the final proof - the smoking gun that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud."

He then set the blaze that has continued to rage for nearly six years, consuming more than 4,000 American lives and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis. (A car bomb over the weekend killed two dozen more Iraqis, many of them religious pilgrims.) The financial cost to the U.S. will eventually reach $3 trillion or more, according to the Nobel laureate economist Joseph Stiglitz.

A year into the war Mr. Bush was cracking jokes about it at the annual dinner of the Radio and Television Correspondents Association. He displayed a series of photos that showed him searching the Oval Office, peering behind curtains and looking under the furniture. A mock caption had Mr. Bush saying: "Those weapons of mass destruction have got to be somewhere."

And then there's the Bush economy, another disaster, a trapdoor through which middle-class Americans can plunge toward the bracing experiences normally reserved for the poor and the destitute.

Mr. Bush traveled the country in the early days of his presidency, promoting his tax cut plans as hugely beneficial to small-business people and families of modest means. This was more deceit. The tax cuts would go overwhelmingly to the very rich.

The president would give the wealthy and the powerful virtually everything they wanted. He would throw sand into the regulatory apparatus and help foster the most extreme income disparities since the years leading up to the Great Depression. Once again he was lighting a fire. This time the flames would engulf the economy and, as with Iraq, bring catastrophe.

If the U.S. were a product line, it would be seen now as deeply damaged goods, subject to recall.

There seemed to be no end to Mr. Bush's talent for destruction. He tried to hand the piggy bank known as Social Security over to the marauders of the financial sector, but saner heads prevailed.

In New Orleans, the president failed to intervene swiftly and decisively to aid the tens of thousands of poor people who were very publicly suffering and, in many cases, dying. He then compounded this colossal failure of leadership by traveling to New Orleans and promising, in a dramatic, floodlit appearance, to spare no effort in rebuilding the flood-torn region and the wrecked lives of the victims.

He went further, vowing to confront the issue of poverty in America "with bold action."

It was all nonsense, of course. He did nothing of the kind.

The catalog of his transgressions against the nation's interests - sins of commission and omission - would keep Mr. Bush in a confessional for the rest of his life. Don't hold your breath. He's hardly the contrite sort.

He told ABC's Charlie Gibson: "I don't spend a lot of time really worrying about short-term history. I guess I don't worry about long-term history, either, since I'm not going to be around to read it."

The president chuckled, thinking - as he did when he made his jokes about the missing weapons of mass destruction - that there was something funny going on.

 




Speaking Engagements
Microphone
 
January 13-16, 2009
Wall Street Project
New York, N.Y.
 
February 6-8, 2009
Anchorage, Alaska
 
April 25, 2009
Barber-Scotia College National Alumni Association
Concord, N.C.
 
May 8-9, 2009
Knoxville College Board of Trustees
Knoxville, Tenn.
 
June 4-7, 2009
Urban Financial Services Coalition
Dearborn, Mich.
 
June 10-14, 2009
100 Black Men of America
New York, N.Y.
 
June 21, 2009
Old Storm Branch Baptist Church
North Augusta, S.C.
 
June 24-27, 2009
The PowerNetworking Conference
Atlanta, Ga.
 
July 18-21, 2009
National Speakers Association Convention
Phoenix, Ariz.
 
August 6-9, 2009
National Association of Black Journalists
Tampa, Fla.
 
 
 
 
 
 
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The Best of Emerge Magazine
Edited by George E. Curry
Emerge
 "This whopper of an anthology perfectly captures black life and culture...This retrospective volume is journalism at its best: probing, controversial and serious...Although Emerge was devoted unequivocally to African-Americans, Curry's vision and editorship of this book will instruct, provoke and sometimes entertain or inspire any reader."
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AAction
 
 The Affirmative Action Debate
Edited by George E. Curry

"... Collects the leading voices on all sides of this crucial dialogue...the one book you need to understand and discuss the nation's sharpest political divide."
 


Gaither
 
 
 Jake Gaither: America's Most Famous Black Coach
By George E. Curry

"Curry has some telling points to make on the unlooked for effects of court-ordered desegregation."
- The New York Times
 
"... an excellent example of sports writing."
- Library Journal