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Table of Contents
CIVIL WAR IN THE REPUBLICAN STUDY COMMITTEE
ISSA VS. SOLYNDRA
END OF REP. DAVID RIVERA?
Congressional 
Climate Bill Tracking 
Keyhole Image H.R.658 - FAA Reauthorization and Reform Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.164 - Damaged Vehicle Information Act
Keyhole Image H.R.514 - FISA Sunsets Extension Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.1 - Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2011
Keyhole ImageH.R.4 - Small Business Paperwork Mandate Elimination Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.96 - Internet Freedom Act
Keyhole Image H.R.605 - Patients' Freedom to Choose Act
Keyhole Image S.244 - State Health Care Choice Act

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Please enjoy today's issue of the Congressional Climate newsletter, brought to you by Lobbyit.com!
Today's Hill Action: 

 

THE SENATE:

 

No meeting scheduled for today. 

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Republican Study Committee is GOP's 'circular firing squad'

 

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A civil war is brewing inside the most influential conservative group in Congress. 

 

The Republican Study Committee, which has long served as the conservative policy nerve center for the House GOP, has been beset by infighting and disputes over the group's mission.

In the past few months, at least three lawmakers have quit the group, an unusual number of defections, according to longtime RSC members and GOP aides. Several others are considering leaving and are speaking openly about their discontent with Chairman Jim Jordan's (R-Ohio) handling of the organization, which has constantly challenged GOP leaders on spending issues. And members say Jordan and the RSC staff unilaterally set broad policy positions without consulting the membership.

The internal battle within this group of 170 lawmakers reflects a larger debate in the GOP over how far right the party can push before its unity cracks. The RSC fight is also a dispute about tactics - one camp believes the group's leaders have pushed too far for ideological purity, aiming its fire inward at the expense of team unity. On the other side are those who think the organization has become too bloated with moderates to really work without dissension.

Alabama Reps. Jo Bonner and Martha Roby as well as Louisiana Rep. Bill Cassidy have dropped out of the group. At least one other, Illinois Rep. Adam Kinzinger, is in the process of leaving, according to a source familiar with his thinking. Bonner, who met with Jordan privately before he dropped out, said he'll "be damned if I am going to sit by and watch our members fight against each other." Roby, Cassidy and Kinzinger refused to comment on their departures.

"There's a bit of an überconservative environment that's going on, and we can't continue to shoot ourselves in the foot or have what I call a circular firing squad," said Florida Rep. Allen West, a freshman member of the RSC who is remaining in the group.

Since its founding in 1973, the RSC has always pursued its core objectives - serving as a petri dish for conservative policy and pressuring its leadership from the right within the Capitol - in tandem. With two-thirds of the Republican majority in its ranks, the organization should be enjoying unprecedented influence. But many have gotten tired of the provocations and constant rightward push from the RSC, leading some to question whether the organization's primary goals might now be at odds - and whether the group has become too large for its own good.

In an interview, Jordan said the attrition and grumbling are to be expected in an organization with 170 politicians. And he pointed to the RSC's high-profile successes, namely, pushing leadership to adopt the Cut, Cap and Balance pledge and for deeper cuts in government funding battles.

 

"I would look where the conference has been most unified," Jordan said. "[It] has been where the RSC is pushing for certain positions."

The tensions first boiled over this summer in a Republican conference meeting at the height of the debt ceiling debate, when members discovered RSC staffers were encouraging outside conservative groups to target its own members in an effort to kill Speaker John Boehner's (R-Ohio) debt proposal.

Conservatives at all levels of the conference say they're taking another look at their membership in the wake of the debt ceiling fiasco and other missteps, according to more than a dozen interviews conducted by POLITICO. Chief Deputy Whip Rep. Peter Roskam (R-Ill.) declined to say where he came down on the conflict but hinted that he would reconsider his membership the next time payments were due, saying that everyone was going to be looking at their office budgets next year and that while he's still a member "like everyone else, I'm going to be looking at every outlay." Rep. Tom Rooney (R-Fla.), who this summer penned a letter criticizing the "intolerant and short-sighted" perspective "pervasive" in the RSC, has stopped attending the group's meetings.

"We're continuing to fire inside the tent," Rooney said of the caucus.

The consternation has reached the highest levels of RSC leadership. Twice in the past few months, the founders of the group have met about the group's problems. Jordan offered an amendment to the group's bylaws to formalize the process by which the RSC establishes legislative positions. It was roundly rejected by the RSC leadership. Rep. Sam Johnson (R-Texas), a founder of the group, said "we're addressing the problem, and that's all I'm going to say."

"I'm not going to talk to you about it, OK?" Johnson said. "I'm aware of it."

In essence, lawmakers are beginning to feel like they are paying - at a time of shrinking office budgets - for an organization that is going to stab them in the back. Newly elected lawmakers pay $2,500 to join, rank-and-file members pay $5,000 and founders and steering committee members pay $10,000. Since members have already paid their dues, there is little incentive to leave the organization now - though the RSC has offered to pro-rate dues for those who decide to quit.

Conservative movement godfather Paul Weyrich founded the Republican Study Committee to hold its leadership to account the same year he co-founded the Heritage Foundation, and there's long been overlap between the two groups. Heritage pays for RSC lunches, and a former RSC staffer helps run the newly formed Heritage Action for America, an activist arm of the free-enterprise think tank. The group issues a tough legislative scorecard, grading on a scale that often lines up with the RSC's positions, making it much more difficult for Republican rank and file to do well than on other conservative scorecards. One Republican complained that he had a sky-high American Conservative Union score and a Heritage Action score of only around 50 percent.

Their rankings have real results. Shortly after Roby left the RSC, prominent conservative blogger Erick Erickson posted on his RedState blog that the Alabaman should face a GOP primary challenge - based in part on her weak showing in Heritage's rankings.

 

Other offices say they've sometimes received emails from RSC staffers pointing to harshly critical blog posts by Erickson and other blogs, in-case-you-missed-it notes that they felt amounted to thinly veiled threats about their members' standing among the conservative base.

"These guys are basically an adolescent street gang - they talk you into joining their club saying it'll be a conservative family working together. Then they beat up their own members. When someone finally gets fed up and decides to leave, they have their bullies in the blogosphere blow you up and call you a liberal or RINO and threaten primaries. They basically jump you out," said one senior Republican aide whose boss considered quitting.

Jordan and RSC staffers flatly deny any intent to scare other members, arguing that they always consult with members before issuing policy positions and only mean to reassure members and staff that they are not working with outside groups.

"There's certainly no targeting of members," Jordan said. "It's just not appropriate, and we don't want that to ever occur and I have never done that and [we're] not ever going to be a part of that."

Defenders of Jordan and the RSC staff say there's a different reason for the criticism from some GOP members.

"There are many people on RSC who use that organization's name as a cover to hide their own moderation," said another member of the group, who thinks there should be some voting record requirement to determine membership in the RSC. "To those who threaten to resign, my thought is, 'Don't let the door hit you in the ass on the way out.' You either believe in the organization or you don't."

Jordan said "it doesn't matter" if people think the RSC is too big. He said he "inherited a large organization."

"It matters what they think about what the organization should be," Jordan said. "We're way past that. We're a large organization."

No one denies that the group is succeeding in its efforts to push the GOP conference to the right.

"The RSC has led the way in creating a far more conservative conference. Sometimes spats are a result of how much more conservative can we get, but I consider that a healthy discourse for the conference," said South Carolina Rep. Tim Scott, a freshman RSC member and leadership liaison.

Jordan said he'd welcome the deserters back into the fold. But the evidence suggests that some fences can't be mended.

"I've never in my life seen the RSC completely eat their own like this," one GOP aide said.

Congress watchdog probes solar loans after Solyndra

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A top Republican congressional watchdog wants the Energy Department to turn over documents and emails about $4.7 billion in loan guarantees for four solar projects approved right before a Sept 30 deadline.

 

The last-minute approvals of the projects raise fears that "the evaluation of loan guarantees may have been rushed in order to meet a deadline," said Darrell Issa, chairman of the House Oversight Committee, in a letter to Energy Secretary Steven Chu.

 

Issa and other Republicans in the House of Representatives have pushed to highlight concerns about a loan guarantee to Solyndra, a failed solar panel manufacturer that has filed for bankruptcy and is being investigated by the FBI.

 

Solyndra was the first company to receive an Energy Department loan guarantee, worth $535 million, in 2009. The Solyndra investigation has been politically embarrassing for the Obama administration, which had made clean energy job creation a key plank in its energy policy.

 

Funding for the program expired on Sept 30, and on that day, the department approved loan guarantees to First Solar Inc for two solar power plants and SunPower Corp for another plant.

The projects were different than Solyndra. While Solyndra's loan went toward building a factory, the three power plants approved Sept 30 had a fixed revenue stream from contracts for the electricity produced by the plants.

 

After the Energy Department approved the loan guarantees, the plants were bought by some of the largest utilities in the nation.

 

The committee wants to know whether the sale of the projects to the utilities was a condition for approval of the loans.

Exelon bought First Solar's Antelope Valley project, while NextEra Energy and GE's Energy Financial Services bought First Solar's Desert Sunlight plant.

 

NRG Energy bought SunPower's California Valley project.

 

The fourth loan guarantee was for a project owned by Prologis to install solar panels on industrial buildings, which was also backed by NRG.

 

Issa asked for emails between the Energy Department and all the companies involved, as well as emails between the Energy Department and White House concerning the projects.

 

The panel also asked a series of questions about the technology used by First Solar, and asked why the Energy Department failed to finalize a guarantee for First Solar's Topaz plant.

 

The House Energy and Commerce Committee has been leading the probe of Solyndra and the loan guarantees, and is slated to hold another hearing on the issue on Friday.

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Florida Rep. David Rivera (R) finds himself trapped in a strange political purgatory.

 

The freshman's unenviable position includes being under investigation by state - and potentially federal - authorities for alleged finance missteps and alleged shady business dealings, being held at arm's length by leadership, struggling to raise money and being eyed by ambitious Democrats and Republicans hoping to snap up his seat.

 

But it doesn't look like Rivera is going anywhere, and no Republican has stepped forward - yet - with plans to challenge him in a primary. And the ethics cloud has still not resulted in an indictment after more than a year. Rivera also is well-known locally and is keeping up with his constituent responsibilities. Still, Democrats smell blood in the water.

 

Rivera has been under investigation by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and the state attorney's office since October 2010 for "alleged financial improprieties," according to FDLE spokesman Keith Kameg.

 

The FDLE refused to provide any other details on the nature of the investigation.

 

And with reports in the Miami Herald that Rivera is also under investigation by the FBI and the IRS, he has had trouble bringing in the kind of money he might need to fend off a primary opponent. Rivera raised just $35,000 in the second quarter - and $5,000 of that was from his mother. At the end of June, he had $62,000 in cash on hand but had $152,000 in outstanding debts, according to Federal Election Commission records.

 

The Rivera campaign wouldn't hint at what numbers he'll report for the third quarter later this month.

 

From January through the end of June, Rivera does not appear to have picked up a single donation from another Member of Congress.

 

The IRS had no comment and referred inquiries to the Department of Justice. FBI headquarters referred questions to its Miami field office. A Miami field office spokesman refused to confirm or deny the existence of an investigation, citing standard operating procedure.

 

The Rivera campaign said in a statement to Roll Call that the Congressman "welcomes any and all public scrutiny from any and all sources, most of which has been unconfirmed speculation, and none of which has interfered with his ability to do his job as a Member of Congress or a candidate for re-election."

 

That last clause seems like a stretch, but while his recent fundraising has been lackluster, a senior Republican Congressional aide from South Florida said the specter of indictments hasn't hampered Rivera's ability to be out and about with constituents. "He's been doing his job," the aide said. "He goes on the radio down here; he's on TV."

 

Rivera has been a political figure in South Florida for some time as a member of the state House from 2002 to 2010.

 

Rivera also has held events with other Members in recent months, including Democratic Reps. Frederica Wilson (Fla.) and Albio Sires (N.J.) and Florida Republican Reps. Mario Diaz-Balart and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

 

"Everything is great on the Member-to-Member level," a Democratic Florida Member's aide said. "He has long-standing ties with many people in the current Congressional delegation because of their service together in the state Legislature." Florida won't finalize the redraw of its Congressional map until 2012, so the borders of Rivera's district won't be known for months.

 

Democrat Luis Garcia, a former fire chief, has already announced a bid against Rivera. In a sign that Democrats see the seat as vulnerable, House Minority Whip Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) headlined a fundraiser for Garcia last week in Miami.

 

In a statement to Roll Call, Hoyer said Garcia "is one of the best candidates running across the country, and his candidacy is one of the best opportunities we have to pick up a Republican seat."

"He would be a real asset to the people of South Florida in the House of Representatives," Hoyer added.

 

One other Democrat eyeing the seat is businesswoman Annette Tadeo, who lost to Ros-Lehtinen in 2008.

 

And some Republicans are already mulling bids for Rivera's seat. Many, however, are keeping a low profile until the freshman's future becomes clearer.

 

Three Republican names that have picked up particular buzz are state Sens. Anitere Flores, Miguel Diaz de la Portilla and former state Rep. J.C. Planas. They aren't talking yet, and it's unclear if any would mount a primary challenge against Rivera.

 

Ana Navarro, who worked for former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush (R) and is seen by political operatives in South Florida as one of the most plugged-in GOP consultants in the region, said she thinks Rivera has good name identification and could get through a primary without spending much money - less than $150,000.

 

Navarro, who has known Rivera for many years and gave him a $250 donation last quarter, said the idea of a freshman resigning of his own volition was almost unfathomable. She said she had seen no sign that he was even considering such a drastic move. "Anybody who knows David knows that he will fight to the last day and he will have to be taken out of Congress kicking and screaming," she said.

 

"A lot of people, particularly donors, are in a wait-and-see mode," Navarro said. "But so far, there's been a lot more waiting than seeing."

 

Given all of his troubles, it's not a surprise the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee is particularly gleeful in slamming Rivera. A spokesman pointedly noted that Rivera was considered a top candidate by the National Republican Congressional Committee, which supports all incumbents and hasn't said anything about the freshman's troubles.

 

"Once a darling of the GOP and an NRCC 'Young Gun,' Congressman Rivera's multiple investigations have forced him off the island," DCCC spokesman Adam Hodge said in a statement.

 

Rivera may be alone, but for now, with no indictments released, the freshman is still a survivor.

Until tomorrow,


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