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Marco Rubio takes a hard line on immigration
 Freshman Sen. Marco Rubio is often billed as the answer to the Republicans' Hispanic problem. On his party's shortlist of vice presidential candidates, he is a darling of the tea party, represents the largest swing state - and as the son of Cuban immigrants, could make history as the first Hispanic-American on a national ticket. But since stepping onto the national stage last year, Rubio has taken a hard right turn on immigration that could drive away the very Hispanic voters Republicans need to win the White House in 2012. Hispanic and immigration activists had held out hope that with the election behind him, Rubio might return to some of the more moderate positions he staked out as a state lawmaker. Instead, they're now seething after Rubio hardened his opposition to the DREAM Act and continues to repeat the harsh rhetoric of the right wing, dismissing anything other than border and workplace enforcement as "amnesty" for illegal immigrants. The backlash has intensified in recent days after Rubio reiterated his positions on immigration in a national Spanish-language interview, leading some Hispanic leaders to accuse him of placing his political ambitions above the needs of his community. "There's a Benedict Arnold feeling," said Jorge Mursuli, a Cuban immigrant and executive director of Miami-based Democracia, a Hispanic civic engagement group. "Having known him, his political career and knowing where he comes from - a hardworking immigrant family - one has to wonder what it is that he's thinking or how his political ambitions outweigh his life experiences. ... It's not only disappointing; it's disheartening and, frankly, almost unbelievable." Putting the Miami native on the Republican ticket could help the party win electoral-rich Florida and make it competitive in Hispanic-heavy swing states like Nevada, New Mexico and Colorado. But Democrats and their allies warn they'll be quick to pounce on Rubio's immigration record - a strategy they believe will undercut his ability to attract Hispanics. A Latino Decisions poll conducted on the eve of last November's election found that while 78 percent of Cuban-Americans said they would vote for Rubio, just 40 percent of non-Cuban Latinos said they supported him. "To be against comprehensive immigration reform and a path to citizenship and against the DREAM Act defines you in the Latino immigrant community as a hard-liner and an enemy of the community," said Frank Sharry, founder and executive director of America's Voice, a pro-immigration advocacy group. Conservative columnist Ruben Navarrette summed it up this way in a recent column: "Marco Rubio is the Republican Party's Superman. And the immigration issue, if not handled correctly, is his kryptonite." For his part, Rubio, 39, has made clear he won't be his party's vice presidential nominee in 2012. He insists his immigration stances have been consistent. And he pushes back against critics who suggest his view on the subject isn't colored by his personal experiences. His parents fled Fidel Castro's Cuba during the late 1950s, living in New York, Los Angeles, Las Vegas and eventually settling back in West Miami. His father held odd jobs but mostly worked as a bartender; his mother was a hotel maid. "Immigration to me is a deeply personal issue. My parents are immigrants, my grandparents were immigrants, my wife's family were immigrants, I've grown up around immigrants, continue to live around immigrants, so I know immigration about as well as anybody who's involved in it," Rubio told POLITICO in an interview. "I believe immigration is a key part of our legacy of our country, and it's a critical part of our future as well. And we need an immigration system that works in order for America to grow and prosper economically," Rubio added. "But we have to have laws. We have to have a legal immigration system." In a speech near the border with Mexico this month, President Barack Obama repeated his call for a comprehensive immigration reform package that blends border enforcement with a path to citizenship for the 11 million illegal immigrants living in the country. Rubio, however, believes Washington needs to stem the flow of illegal immigration through tougher border security and electronic workplace verification before figuring out what to do with those already here. That includes those who would be affected by the DREAM Act, which lays out a path to legal status for the children of illegal immigrants if they go to college or join the military - a bill similar to one Rubio co-sponsored as a state lawmaker. After Democrats reintroduced the DREAM Act in both the House and Senate this month, Rubio told Telemundo he would vote against it. While he empathizes with these children, he told POLITICO, the solution "can't be part of some broader effort to grant blanket amnesty." "I've said repeatedly I want to help these kids. I think these were kids who were brought to this country by their parents when they were very young; they were high academic achievers and want to go to college and contribute to America's future or serve in the armed forces," Rubio said. "And I think helping them would be good for America. I do want to help them; I just don't think the DREAM Act is the right or best way to do it." While Cuban refugees historically have had a much easier time gaining U.S. citizenship compared with other Hispanic groups, Cuban-Americans in Congress have typically favored pro-immigration policies. Two fellow Cuban-American Republicans, Florida Reps. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Mario Diaz-Balart, both back the DREAM Act and comprehensive reform. After Rubio captured Florida's open Senate seat last fall, some activists thought he might continue in the tradition of his predecessor, Mel Martinez, another Republican-Cuban American whom Obama singled out in his speech as one of a handful of leaders who recognize the need for a broad immigration overhaul. "Mel Martinez was one of the Republicans who championed not just comprehensive immigration reform but also the DREAM Act, and this seat has traditionally been the voice of the Republican who understands the issue and does not cater to a radical but, rather, a more sensible element of the party," said Gaby Pacheco, an undocumented immigrant and DREAM Act activist from Miami. "Like Mel Martinez, we thought Marco Rubio would also have taken this stance because he knows the community. He comes from a place in Florida where this is a real issue." Indeed, as a state lawmaker in 2003 and 2004, Rubio co-sponsored a bill providing an in-state tuition break for high-achieving children of illegal immigrants. As speaker of the Florida House, Rubio blocked several bills from coming to the floor, saying it was Washington's responsibility to solve the immigration problem. And this year, some in the immigrant community thought Rubio was sending them a signal by hiring as his chief of staff Cesar Conda, Vice President Dick Cheney's former domestic policy adviser and an immigration reform advocate. But backed by grass-roots tea party activists on the campaign trail, Rubio tacked right on the immigration issue and never looked back. He endorsed Arizona's controversial immigration law that is being challenged by the Obama administration in the courts. And he opposed an earlier version of the DREAM Act that was twice filibustered by Republicans in the Senate. "My position is unchanged from the campaign that I ran on," Rubio said. "I'm not here to break campaign promises." Rubio's GOP allies have rushed to his defense, praising the Florida Republican for putting national interests above special interests. "For people to fundamentally expect somebody, because of their ethnic background, to act one way or the other, is wrong," said Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.), a leading critic of the DREAM Act. "Each of us should try to serve the national interest, and I believe few people here seek to do that more than Marco Rubio." Having served only four months in the Senate, Rubio points out that his plate's full in dealing with conflicts in Libya and Syria and his efforts to draw down the debt. "Immigration is an important issue, and it should be tackled and dealt with, but right now it's not more important than the price of gas or the lack of jobs or the crushing debt," he said. "Those are the issues that have dominated the talk in Washington." | 
