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Table of Contents
JOHN BOEHNER CAN'T PROMISE DEBT VOTE
LIBERAL GROUPS HOPE TO GET TOWN HALLS ON THEIR SIDE
KING & SPALDING QUIT DOMA CASE, PARTNER RESIGNS
Congressional 
Climate Bill Tracking 
Keyhole Image H.R.658 - FAA Reauthorization and Reform Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.164 - Damaged Vehicle Information Act
Keyhole Image H.R.514 - FISA Sunsets Extension Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.1 - Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2011
Keyhole ImageH.R.4 - Small Business Paperwork Mandate Elimination Act of 2011
Keyhole Image H.R.96 - Internet Freedom Act
Keyhole Image H.R.605 - Patients' Freedom to Choose Act
Keyhole Image S.244 - State Health Care Choice Act

Video Of The Day

Barbour Rules Out 2012 Presidential Run

Barbour Rules Out 2012 Presidential Run

 
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Greetings!  
Please enjoy today's issue of the Congressional Climate newsletter, brought to you by Lobbyit.com!
Today's Hill Action: 

 

THE SENATE:

 

No meeting scheduled for today. 

SENATE COMMITTEES:

 

No meetings scheduled for today. 

THE HOUSE: 

 

No meeting scheduled for today. 

HOUSE COMMITTEES:

No meetings scheduled for today. 

John Boehner won't promise debt limit vote 

 

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Speaker John Boehner won't guarantee a vote on raising the debt limit, the latest threat in an increasingly high stakes game of chicken with the White House over whether Congress will inch closer to letting the nation default on its credit.

 

Boehner, in an interview with POLITICO here Monday, also demanded that President Barack Obama give in to Republican demands to slash spending and dramatically change "the way we spend the peoples' money."

 

"If the president doesn't get serious about the need to address our fiscal nightmare, yeah, there's a chance it [the debt limit vote] could not happen," Boehner told POLITICO after he toured a manufacturing company in this western Ohio town. "But that's not my goal."

 

The vote to increase the borrowing ceiling beyond the current limit of $14 trillion has become one of the defining issues for a House Republican majority that ran campaigns that promised dramatic cuts in government spending. As the deadline draws closer to a debt ceiling vote, Republicans are starting to sound less compromising in their stance, even as Treasury officials warn of market calamity and economic "Armageddon" if Congress refuses a vote.

 

Boehner laid out several goals for any potential deal on the debt limit: He is calling for controls on discretionary spending and altering the nation's entitlements like Medicare and Medicaid to be attached to the legislation to hike the debt ceiling.

 

He was noncommittal about holding a vote on that bill before July 4 - very close to the deadline in which Treasury says the U.S. will have hit its borrowing limit.

Boehner's comments are his strongest to date in the debate over the debt limit - a stark contrast to his tight-lipped demeanor when he was negotiating with Obama over the budget deal earlier this month that kept the government open while cutting $38 billion in spending.

 

The two-week congressional spring break is proving to be a pivotal moment for Boehner in the first few months of his speakership. He's coming off a largely successful budget negotiation but he is under enormous pressure from the right not to offer any concessions on the debt limit - despite warnings from economists and Treasury experts that failure to raise the limit would shake global markets.

 

But while Boehner talks tough on the debt limit, some politically vulnerable Republicans are facing serious heat in town halls during the spring recess for their 'yes' votes on Budget Chair Paul Ryan's (R-Wis.) 2012 budget, which would dramatically overhaul Medicare and Medicaid.

 

But Boehner is injecting those politically difficult programs back into the debate in advance of the debt limit vote, saying that "I think it's time to deal with entitlement programs...on the debt ceiling."

 

Tax increases, he has said, are a non-starter.

 

That message is sure to be met with resistance from Democrats, who are largely opposed to statutory caps on discretionary spending and like even less GOP plans to reform Medicare and Medicaid. Most Democrats and Obama favor raising taxes on the wealthiest Americans.

 

Boehner called a balanced budget amendment - a favorite of some conservatives - "a good step in the right direction" but brushed it off, saying "I'd rather pass real spending reductions." 

And the speaker also said he "made it clear to" his friend Sen. Saxby Chambliss (R-Ga.) - who is working on the so-called Senate Gang of Six deficit control plan - that he doesn't "think that tax increases ought to be part of their plan," all but rendering the proposal dead on arrival in the lower chamber of Congress. 

"I think they've done a lot of really good work," he said. "I raised my concerns about tax increases, which I don't think are necessary. They're continuing to work on their plan - they're working hard on it. And I give them a lot of credit for the work that they've done." 

Boehner's House Republican Conference, too, has been busy at work. In the last month, the House voted for a number of government funding measures that cut billions of dollars in federal spending, struck a deal with the White House on a funding plan that would avert a government shutdown until Sept. 30 and overwhelmingly passed a controversial 2012 spending blueprint that drastically alters entitlement spending. 

But for all those reasons - which he and his allies see as victories - Boehner and some of his colleagues are feeling pressure. 

The speaker has been a target of criticism on the right for the deal he cut with Obama to slash $79 billion from the administration's 2011 spending request, and $38.5 billion less than Congress spent in 2010. 

Boehner laughed off the noise from conservatives who think he caved on the spending cuts, saying that "sticking to your guns pays off." 

"It was 10:30 on Friday night. Alright?" Boehner said, with a look of incredulity on his face, in response to criticism that he caved in the deal he cut with the White House. "We had an hour and a half left. Listen, I did everything I could to deliver as many spending cuts as possible. And when you get 79 percent of what you're asking for, it's not a bad deal." 

And he also swatted away the idea that his members were feeling pressure back home over the vote on the Ryan budget. 

"If they were getting killed, I'd know about it," Boehner said. "People are concerned, 'what's this all mean.' And I think it gives members an opportunity to explain what it means and I think having people understand that the greatest danger to our country is doing nothing. Doing nothing is going to be the highway to fiscal ruin. That's not what the American people want." 

Boehner's tour of a manufacturing plant on Monday revealed a slightly more relaxed, and certainly more accessible speaker than the one who is typically seen in Washington. Wearing casual gray slacks, a white button down shirt with the sleeves rolled up, the Ohio Republican made his way through the floor of Rebsco, Inc., an agricultural industry manufacturer across from barren fields northwest of Dayton near the Indiana border. He watched the company's new machine cut through a slab of metal, toured the factory floor and met with the company's management in a conference room.

 

His visit to the plant is part of a two-day swing through his district is largely comprised of events like this: touring factories, slapping backs and shaking hands. On Monday, Boehner approached three factory workers, looked at their blackened hands and said "what the hell," embracing them in a handshake. 

Boehner left the tour in a three-car motorcade and had a meeting planned with a local tea party group. He is slated to address the Dayton Area Chamber of Commerce Tuesday morning in a ballroom in Moraine, Ohio. 

The image of Boehner as the leader of a Republican majority is certainly still developing as his troops wade through legislative battle after legislative battle. After the spending deal was lauded as a victory, Congressional Budget Office numbers showed it was more paltry than previously advertised. Fifty-nine Republicans voted against the plan, illustrating significant dissent within the GOP ranks.

The debt ceiling debate is different for many reasons, but mostly because it has a less firm timeline, but also because the limit needs to be raised to avoid catastrophic consequences in global financial markets. He has called hiking the limit "the responsible thing to do," despite his dire warnings that it might not happen. 

Boehner did not mention Vice President Joseph R. Biden's deficit panel, on which House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) sits, as part of the debt limit discussion - perhaps a sign that the group's work is not seen as being critical to any deals ahead. Signaling that it will be the speaker and Obama cutting the deal, Boehner said "I can get it done next week if the president wants to sit down and get it done." 

The cordial Boehner, who never misses an opportunity to rib a reporter or aide for a tie askew or haircut gone wrong, is not ready to take as hard of a line with Obama as does his Senate counterpart Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. 

When asked if he shares McConnell's goal of making Obama a one-term president, Boehner said "I'm for addressing the big challenges that face our country. The elections will take care of themselves."

Liberal groups try to stoke town hall rage

 

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Liberals groups are amping up their efforts against House Republicans this week, targeting lawmakers in their districts in an effort to make GOP support of Paul Ryan's budget blueprint a political liability ahead of the 2012 election.

 

Americans United for Change, a D.C.-based progressive group, is targeting four districts - including those represented by freshmen Reps. Sean Duffy (R-Wis.) and Chip Cravaack (R-Minn.), Iowa conservative Steve King and Ryan himself - with ads narrated by a female senior citizen.

 

"Paul Ryan looks like a nice young man," she says, "but on April 15th he voted to end Medicare and its guaranteed health benefits."

 

And while the effort hasn't reached nearly the grass roots town hall outrage that drove the tea party over the past two years, it's clear liberal groups see an opening by attacking Republican plans on Medicare and stoking concerns of senior citizen voters.

 

Americans United for Change is also aiming to reach 360,000 voters 45 and older in 23 Republican-held districts this week with robo-calls slamming the members for their votes.

 

Additionally, Social Security Works and the Alliance for Retired Americans are jointly holding events in lawmakers districts across the country to call attention to the budget plan and its implications for Medicare and Medicaid. Marc Stier, an event organizer in Pennsylvania, says the teach-in style events will be held outside of district offices and Social Security offices.

 

"We're calling them 'work until you die' events and the point is that the Ryan budget is a step towards cutting the social safety net that helps the elderly get health care," Stier said. "We think the eventual target is Social Security and we're going to hold them accountable for threatening the social fabric that is essential to this country, and that is deeply unpopular in these districts."

 

This week's efforts continue a campaign by Democratic groups last week to shift the narrative on the Ryan budget in their favor. Last week, MoveOn encouraged its members to attend town halls and grill lawmakers on Medicare and Medicaid. And the DCCC released an ad depicting senior citizens stripping and mowing lawns to pay for their health care under the Ryan plan in select districts.

 

 

In addition to focusing on districts like Ryan's, the groups are targeting freshmen members and members in swing districts. In Pennsylvania, for example, freshmen GOP Reps. Pat Meehan, Mike Fitzpatrick and Lou Barletta's districts have became hot beds of anti-Ryan budget activities.


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In an interesting turn of events, the law firm hired by House Republicans to defend the Defense of Marriage Act has filed a motion to withdraw from the case. Simultaneously, the lawyer formerly assigned to carry out that case has resigned in protest.

 

Many suspect that the law firm King & Spalding dropped the case after buckling under pressure from gay rights groups, which had been protesting at the firm's Atlanta offices. The resignation letter of partner Paul Clement, who was solicitor general under George W. Bush, seems to confirm that suspicion.

 

"My resignation is, of course, prompted by the firm's decision to withdraw," writes Clement in a letter to the firm's chairman. "I resign out of the firmly held belief that a representation should not be abandoned because the client's legal position is extremely unpopular in certain quarters. Defending unpopular clients is what lawyers do."

 

Republicans in the House of Representatives sought an outside firm to defend the law, which allows states to not recognize gay marriages performed in other states, after the Justice Department said it would no longer defend challenges against it. Today's drama at King & Spalding won't necessarily interrupt the case. Clement notes that he will pickup the case with his "new colleagues" at Bancroft PLLC. While the Harvard-educated lawyer is already being championed as a kind of hero among conservatives, the liberals at Think Progress are lauding the firm's decision to withdraw as a win for gay marriage advocates by a firm that has already "earned high marks for its employment practices regarding gay attorneys and staff."

 

Editor's Note: Click the header to view a copy of Clement's resignation letter.

Until tomorrow,


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