Friends,
Below you will find the weekly
Anzalone Liszt Research National Polling Newsletter, which provides a
pollster's take on data and trends that affect political campaigns.
This week, we examine how
Democrats' recent legislative victories are redefining 2010 and putting them in
better position to hold the House.
Following our analysis are
additional news items and data we thought you'd enjoy.
- John Anzalone and Jeff Liszt
STORY
OF THE WEEK: ARE THE DEMOCRATS REBOUNDING?
Two
steps forward, one step back. That's how we characterize the past
week for the Democrats. Despite an internecine flap over Robert Gibbs'
assessment of House Democrats' prospects in 2010 and the regrettable sacking of
USDA official Shirley Sherrod, there were actually several bright spots for the Democrats as they look to preserve
their majorities in the Congress.
One
headline that gave Democrats a much-needed jolt of optimism was from Gallup,
which released tracking numbers showing the Democrats holding a statistically
significant 6-point advantage on the generic congressional ballot (49% to 43%). According to
Gallup, this was the first time since March of this year that the Democrats had
posted a significant lead over the Republicans in their tracking poll. The
story gained traction while most other polls had the generic ballot in a
statistical dead heat. Pollster.com's trend estimate-our preferred national benchmark-shows Republicans
with a 1-point advantage on the generic ballot, 43% to 42%. So while we are
cautious about overstating the findings from a single survey, we can appreciate
how Gallup's numbers were welcome news for the Democrats.
But Gallup's numbers are far less consequential than
the other, more subtle development over the past weeks. In both substance and
rhetoric, the Democrats are beginning to wage a coordinated campaign to change the narrative about the November
elections. They are reframing the midterms less
as a referendum on President Obama and more as a choice between two parties with two fundamentally different
economic philosophies. This is a smart move. Absent creating several million
new jobs by November, this is perhaps the only strategy that will save the
Democratic Party this cycle.
The rhetoric is hard to miss. At a recent
stop to a Michigan plant that produces batteries for electric cars (funded in
part by economic recovery funds), the president delivered a variant of an
increasingly common Democratic refrain: "There
are some folks who want to go back, who think we should return to the policies
that helped to lead to this recession." A recent email from the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee puts a finer point on the president's
comments: "The Bush Agenda? Never.
Again." If there is a rift between House Democrats and the White House, it
is not evident here.
More
important, the substance is there as well. Heading into July, the Democrats
could already point to a list of substantial legislative achievements. Some of
them, such as health care reform, were especially tough votes for many members
of the caucus. In the past week, they
added two more substantive victories. Against GOP opposition and a ferocious lobbying and PR
effort on the part of Wall Street, the Democrats passed a comprehensive financial reform bill. At the same time, the Dems
prevailed over Republicans' inexplicable obstruction of
a benefits extension for the unemployed
(there are many ways to balance the budget; cutting the safety net for those
without work in a recession should not be one of them). Ultimately, passing landmark bills is one of the ways Democrats have
sought to sharpen the contrasts between themselves and the GOP and reframe the
debate on more favorable terms.
The numbers explain the prudence of this
strategy. For one, President Obama's job rating is upside-down (46% approve,
49% disapprove). While this is not unique for a president in an election year,
it nevertheless provides a compelling reason to avoid nationalizing November (targeted
communications among Obama "surge" voters, however, is still good practice for
individual Democrats).
By
the same token, the Democrats can get more mileage out of running against Republicans than away from the president. Compared to 1994,
the Republican brand is remarkably undefined outside of the "Party of No"-not
an adequate substitute for a forward-looking agenda. This allows Democrats to put
the race on more advantageous terrain. Voters
still place the lion's share of blame
for the recession on President Bush, not Obama (61% say Bush is to blame for
the country's economic problems, while only 27% blame Obama). By a slimmer
margin, 41% to 30%, voters think the GOP's
policies are more responsible for the current condition of the economy. And
voters have more confidence in Democrats (32%)
than Republicans (26%) to make the right decisions for the country's future
(43% have confidence in Obama). So when
the vice president quipped recently "I know what the Republicans are against. I
have no notion of what they're for," he wasn't just chiding the GOP-he was
signaling the Democrats' way forward: define yourselves and your opponent on your terms.
Skip
to late yesterday, when Senate Democrats announced they were pretty much abandoning a broadly popular comprehensive energy and climate bill-at least for
now, since it could conceivably pass in the lame duck session. We appreciate
the political realities facing Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, though it is still in the Democrats' interest to
pass something, even a stripped-down version of the bill. First, Democrats
can rightfully argue that a bill encouraging natural gas-powered vehicles
and other clean energy technologies is an American jobs bill. And second, it gives
them one more opportunity to highlight their policy differences with the GOP.
As
we have noted in previous posts, races are ultimately decided on a
district-by-district basis, and individual Democrats will necessarily have
variations in their micro-strategies. Yet for the Democratic Party as a whole,
retaining control of the House will hinge its ability to reframe November as a
clear choice between two different philosophies on creating jobs, strengthening
the economy, and laying the foundation for sustained economic growth.
---
OTHER
NEWS FROM THE POLLING AND POLITICAL WORLD
Momentum: Charlie Melancon's latest internal poll
(conducted by ALR) shows a dead heat: 43% for Melancon, 44% for Vitter.
An
unfortunate trend:The Baltimore Sun reports that automated,
push-button "robo" polls are flooding the Maryland governor's race.
Sigh: Pew research reports that only 34%
of Americans think the bank bailout was signed into law by President Bush,
while 47% think it was under Obama.
Helpful: The best site yet to quickly
track FEC reports for federal candidates. (h/t: Chris Cillizza)
Health
care:
A Bloomberg News poll finds that 61% of Americans reject calls to repeal health
care reform (47% want to see how it works, 14% think it should be left alone,
and 37% support repeal). (via HuffPo)
#
of the week:
about 30% of Obama's appointments to the federal bench have been white men.
Two-thirds of President Bush's appointments were white men. (via Philadelphia
Inquirer)
Cruising: 53% favor
confirmation of Elena Kagan to the SCOTUS. 25% oppose confirmation, according
to a recent ABC News / Washington Post poll.
Base-ball: For those
wondering if Obama will/should face a serious primary challenger, a PPP poll finds that 81%
of Democrats approve and 16% disapprove of the president's job performance.
Cell
phones:
Mark Blumenthal reports on the curious
use of cell phones by automated "robo" polling firms.
Afghanistan:54% of Americans think the U.S. should
set a timetable for withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan, according to a
recent poll by CBS. 73% of
Dems, 54% of indies, and 32% of GOPers support a timetable.