The U.S. Office on Colombia (USOC) recently completed a new document that details the complexities of the Colombian paramilitary demobilization process. Now that 30,000 have disarmed, they ask the question; Are paramilitaries consolidating their power in Colombia? The document explains that these newly demobilized paramilitaries are now being considered the ?third generation?. The introduction states that ?they are not the anti-guerilla self-defense forces that first formed over 20 years ago..Instead, they represent a much more extensive set of political and economic interests?. The focus is put on the paramilitary control of land, drugs and the political process, and the effect of that control on Colombia and Colombians.

Paramilitary groups control large amount of land, most of which has been acquired through violent or coercive means. The USOC document asserts that, ?Between 1995 and 2003, more than three million Colombians have been forced to abandon 4.8 million hectares of land, the majority of which remains under paramilitary control? The land is used to maintain control over the population by restricting access to water, trading routes, etc. In addition the land is also used to grow and process coca, which allows them to continue the drug trade. The ?Peace and Justice? Law, which is the legal framework for the demobilization does not require former combatants to forfeit land that was acquired illegally, and provides no incentives to do so.

The drug trade is what allows the paramilitaries to survive and gives them an incredible amount of power. USOC?s report claims that most paramilitary leaders are directly linked to the drug trade, and that some of them are even ?capos? or drug bosses. The report goes on to explain that the paramilitaries are very unlikely to give up the drug trade, even afterdemobilizing because this would open up the opportunity for the FARC and other guerilla groups to increase their resources. The Peace and Justice Law also does not take proper measures to distinguish paramilitary groups from independent trafficking groups. Many drug trafficking groups have changed their name to sound like paramilitary organizations in order to enjoy the protection from extradition, and other benefits that demobilized paramilitaries are promised.

When all the evidence is reviewed, USOC?s document makes it clear that paramilitary demobilization does not signify an end to the violence. In fact, the process is allowing for a more complex, violent, and powerful ?third generation? to be born.

Watch out on U.S. Office on Colombia's website for the full text of the report

For the past few days, Mauricio Romero, a Colombian demobilization expert from Bogota, has been talking with NGO?s and policy-makers throughout Washington DC. His message is that the new generation of Colombian paramilitaries are much more than the narco-terrorists of the past. This new wave of armed groups,that have been documented since 2002, are strong political actors and ?spoilers" of peace negotiations with the leftist guerillas. Though President Uribe doesn?t support the violent actions of the AUC and other paramilitary groups, they do share the common political goal of destroying the guerillas. Romero points out that it is unusual for a conservative government to negotiate with guerillas, but that Uribe?s government has used the peace talks as a strategy to redefine electoral majorities and garner support for his party and administration.

Despite the well-documented connections between paramilitaries and the Uribe government, Uribe has fumigated more land and extradited more drug criminals than any other president in Colombian history. However, since paramilitary demobilization has begun, Uribe has seemingly made a compromise with the leaders of the different paramilitary groups, many of whom also control large portions of the drug trade. While the demobilization process continues, and more and more groups supposedly agree to re-intergrate themselves into lawful society, Uribe has ignored extradition requests from the US for these drug lords to be prosecuted in the U.S.. This explains the widespread reports that many of these groups are not really disbanding. They are simply going through the ceremony of demobilization, only to regroup and return to the drug trade later. Extradition is the only thing that these leaders fear, explained Romero, while still under this threat, completely demobilizing would take away their only bargaining chip. Under this compromise with Uribe they have a good change of negotiating a light sentence for their years of drug trade and human rights abuses. Without continued violence from paramilitaries these leaders would not longer be useful for Uribe?s political gain, and thus would be extradited.

Uribe?s lack of cooperation with the U.S. requests for extradition causes some to wonder about the tension that this could cause between two countries whose politicals ties are so close. However, since Colombia is currently the U.S.?s only close ally in the Andean region, others predict that the U.S. can not afford to question Uribe?s choices.

About the US Office on Colombia

The U.S. Office on Colombia is an independent non- profit organization, not affiliated with any political party, that seeks to educate U.S. policymakers, the media and the U.S. public about the impact of U.S. policy on Colombia.

info@usofficeoncolombia.org

info@usofficeoncolombia.org